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ZAHVALNICA: Borise Džonsone, [Gradonačelnik Londona] hvala ti što braniš Srbe! / "Kurir" January 22, 2014

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Kurir
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January 22, 2014

U članku u londonskom Telegrafu, 6. januara kritikovao je laburiste zbog pokušaja minimiziranja uloge Nemačke u Prvom svetskom ratu i pripisivanja krivice Srbiji za njegov početak.

Gradonačelnik Londona Boris Džonson / Foto: Reuters

BEOGRAD - Predsednik Skupštine dijaspore i Srba u regionu Dragan Stanojević zahvalio je gradonačelniku Londona Borisu Džonsonu što je javno rekao da za početak Prvog svetskog rata nisu krivi Srbi. Kancelarija Vlade Srbije za saradnju s dijasporom i Srbima u regionu prenosi da je Stanojević ocenio Borisa Džonsona kao "istinoljubivog čoveka koji želi da se poznate činjenice o Velikom ratu ne iskrivljuju i ne zamenjuju uloge".

Gradonačelnik Londona je u članku u londonskom Telegrafu, 6. januara kritikovao laburiste zbog pokušaja minimiziranja uloge Nemačke u Prvom svetskom ratu i pripisivanja krivice Srbiji za njegov početak.

"Istorijski i društveno-politički položaj Srbije pre jednog veka bio je vrlo nezavidan. Može se reći - katastrofalan. Tek je izašla iz dva balkanska rata, iscrpljena vojno i finansijski, tako da joj je bio preko potreban oporavak, pomoć prijateljskih zemalja i naročito što duži period mira", naveo je Stanojević u pismu Džonsonu.

U pismu piše da Srbija tada nije bila u stanju ni da se odbrani od neprijatelja, a kamoli započne osvajački rat, te su "pokušaji nekih današnjih istoričara da se krivica za izbijanje Prvog svetskog rata pripiše maloj Srbiji zlonamerni i štetni jer vređaju ljudsko dostojanstvo, pa i sam um".

"Srbija je u oba svetska rata bila na strani saveznika, to je svima znano. Svedoci smo da se istoriografska tumačenja selektivno prilagođavaju odnosima snaga a ne snazi činjenica. Učitavaju se tumačenja koja ne odgovaraju utvrđenim istorijskim činjenicama, ali odgovaraju današnjim političkim potrebama", naveo je Stanojević.

Stanojević je u pismu konstatovao da su "Srbi državotvorni narod blizu milenijum godina, s bogatom narodnom tradicijom, hrišćanskom religijom i kulturno-istorijskom baštinom koja pripada evropskoj civilizaciji" i istakao da "Skupštine dijaspore i Srba u regionu... predstavlja četiri miliona raseljenog i od matice odvojenog srpskog naroda u svetu i u zemljama koje neposredno okružuju Srbiju".

http://www.kurir-info.rs/zahvalnica-borise-dzonsone-hvala-ti-sto-branis-srbe-clanak-1191383


Gradonačelnik Londona: Nisu Srbi krivi za Prvi svetski rat već Nemci!

Kurir
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БУГАРСКИ И НЕМАЧКИ ЗЛОЧИНИ У СРБИЈИ / Савез Удружења Потомака Српских Ратника и Добровољаца 1912-1918

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Од почетка рата аустроугарске и бугарске трупе су изигравале одредбе међународног ратног права – Женевску конвенцију од 1907. године за заштиту рањеника, болесника, ратних заробљеника и цивилног становништва за време ратног сукоба и Хашку декларацију од 1899. године, којом је изричито забрањена употреба војних отрова и експлозивних пушчаних зрна дум-дум, као супротна захтевима човечности и јавне свести.
 
Аустроугарска војска масовно је стрељала заробљене српске војнике II и III позива, који су ратовали у свом оделу. Ни рањенике нису штедели.
 
Због крајњег нељудског поступка и тортура, зиме, глади, болести и исцрпљујућих тешких физичких радова, српски и црногорски ратни заробљеници су у масама умирали у аустроугарским и бугарским заробљеничким логорима.
 
ДИРЕКТИВА команданта аустроугарског 9. корпуса, 1914.
 
„Пре свега, не трпим да се неуниформисаним али наоружани људи непријатељске земље, било да се нађу у групама и појединачно, заробљавају. Они се имају безусловно поубијати…“
 
АРЧИБАЛД РАЈС, професор Лозанског универзитета, криминолог светског гласа, добровољац српске војске од 1914—1918., казао је:

„Ваш народ зна шта је милосрђе и самилост, дивна особина људске душе, кад би се то могло најмање да очекује. Колико сам пута, на пример, у току рата видео, како су доведени непријатељски заробљеници, исцрпљени глађу. Уместо да буду груби према овим људима који су запалили њихове домове и побили њихове жене и децу, ваши војници су се сажалили над њиховим судбинама и давали им последње парче хлеба.“
 
 
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*****
 
If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at heroesofserbia@yahoo.com


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Kripta branilaca Beograda 1914-1915. - Spomen-kosturnicu u kojoj leži 5.000 heroja decenijama niko ne obilazi / "Novosti" January 12, 2014

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Novosti
B. Subašić
12. januar 2014.

"NOVOSTI" OTKRIVAJU:Kripta branilaca Beograda 1914-1915. iako nedavno obnovljena, bez posetilaca. Iza debelih čeličnih vrata počivaju kosti 3.529 znanih i 1.074 neznana junaka. Spomen-kusturnica decenijama zatvorena zbog straha od krađe i skrnavljenja.

Centralni prostor na ulazu u podzemne odaje
 
BRANIOCI Beograda u Prvom svetskom ratu, 3.529 znanih i 1.074 neznana junaka, počivaju zaključani iza debelih čeličnih vrata spomen-kosturnice na Novom groblju. Na prste se mogu izbrojati Beograđani koji su prošli kroz gotovo neprimetna vrata na osnovi monumentalnog spomenika braniocima Beograda i odali poštu herojima čije kosti se čuvaju u hiljadama metalnih sandučića u monumentalnoj kripti.
 
Imena identifikovanih bila su zapisana u velikoj spomen-knjizi "Nacionalnom jevanđelju" koja je nekada stajala na posebnom postolju u centralnom delu "beogradskog Zejtinlika". Danas knjige tamo nema. A ni posetilaca koji bi se u nju upisali. U upravi Novog groblja kažu da su spremni da otvore vrata kripte ako se posetioci najave i to zatraže. Samo što to decenijama niko nije tražio. Pod ključem je, tvrde nadležni, zbog straha od krađe i skrnavljenja.

- To je slika naše kulture sećanja. Ljudi znaju za monumentalni spomenik, ali ne i za kriptu ispod njega, ni ko tu leži. A ako postoji mesto dostojno da današnji Beograđani čuju govor majora Gavrilovića, onda je to ovde, među senima njegovih ratnika - kaže direktor JKP "Pogrebne usluge" Dragan Baltovski, dok prolazimo uskim hodnicima kosturnice između hiljada metalnih kaseta.

One okružuju centralni prostor velike podzemne odaje čiji se svod oslanja na stamene stubove. Sa njihovih kapitela na četiri strane podzemnog sveta motre kamena lica srpskih vitezova pod kacigama. Između njih reljefi mačeva ovenčanih lovorom i belih orlova sa srpskim krstom i ocilima. Na stubovima ploče sa imenima junaka čije su kosti pronađene izmešane na beogradskim bojištima od Ade Ciganlije do Dunavskog keja i nisu mogle da budu smeštene u posebene kasete.




Jugoslovenskih simbola u kripti nema. Preživeli ratnici od zajedničke države nisu dobili ni dinar za izgradnju kosturnice i spomenika palim ratnim drugovima. Nadležno jugoslovensko ministarstvo pravde formalno im je poručilo da novca za kosturnicu i spomenik u Beogradu nema. Međutim, pravi razlog je bila kampanja hrvatskog političkog vrha koji je kreirao famu o "solunaštvu" i velikosrpskoj hegemoniji. Tako su mrtvi branioci Beograda ubijani po drugi put.

- Srpska kosturnica branilaca Beograda 1914-1918. godine građena je od 1927. do 1931. godine, po projektu ruskog arhitekte i vajara Romana Verhovskoja. Figuru vojnika uradio je vajar Živojin Lukić, bivši ratnik. Kosturnicu je podiglo Udruženje rezervnih oficira i ratnika uz pomoć Beogradske opštine. U nju su preneti posmrtni ostaci srpskih vojnika sa vojnih parcela na Novom groblju, sa groblja na Dunavskom keju i manjih grobalja u okolini Beograda - kaže Baltovski.

Sve do 1934. kosti branilaca Beograda doslovno su bile rasute po celoj prestonici, iako su vojnici od 1914. do jeseni 1915. sahranjivani na Novom groblju, a zatim zbog bombardovanja i na staroj tašmajdanskoj nekropoli kraj crkve Svetog Marka. Makenzenova ofanziva pretvorila je oba groblja i pogrebne povorke u ciljeve austro-nemačke artiljerije.

- Beograđani su svoje umrle i poginule sahranjivali gde su stigli. Po avlijama, poljanama, utrinama - zabeležio je u dnevniku slikar Bogosav Vojnović Pelikan, koji je 1915. bio đak-narednik u odbrani Beograda.

Tela mrtvih branilaca ostajala su da leže po celom gradu. Najstrašnije je bilo na Adi Ciganliji, Banovom brdu i Dorćolu, gde se vodila ogorčena borba prsa u prsa protiv nemačkog desanta.

Duže od decenije ležale su kosti ovih mučenika tamo gde su ih nemački neprijatelji sahranili s poštovanjem. Makenzenov spomenik srpskim ratnicima na Banovom brdu i danas o tome svedoči. Sličan kamen s posvetom "Hrabrim srpskim vojnicima" sa Dunavskog keja je odavno nestao.

Preživeli branioci prestonice očekivali su da će vlasti nove države podići veliki spomenik njihovim ratnim drugovima, dostojan njihove žrtve. Kada su ratnici videli da od toga nema ništa rezervni potpukovnik Milan Đ. Radosavljević, predsednik srpskog Udruženja rezervnih oficira i ratnika i predsednik FIDASA - svetske organizacije veterana Prvog svetskog rata pokrenuo je akciju sakupljanja dobrovoljnih priloga za spomenik.

Sredinom tridestih obnarodovan je projekat spomenika kamene hridi na kojoj stoji srpski vojnik sa šajkačom. Na monumentalnom postamentu ukrašenom krstom s ocilima mesto je našao i mali srpski poljski top koji je potukao autrougarske merzere. Protivnici "solunaštva" odmah su napali želju ratnika da spomenik bude postavljen u centru srpske prestonice. Razvila se burna polemika.

Ratnicima je podršku pružila najšira javnost, ali su vlasti procenile da je spomenik isuviše srpski i umesto u centru prestonice, 1931. postavljen je na kosturnicu branilaca Beograda na Novom groblju, tadašnjoj dalekoj periferiji.

 
NA PRESTONICU PAO "METEOR"

U SVETSKOM ratu Beograd je bio do temelja srušen. Od toga doba prošlo je 15 godina i sve je zaboravljeno. Ako pustimo da prođe još 50 onda nećemo moći nikome da dokažemo da je na Beograd 1915. palo 100.000 nemačkih granata. Pisao je ovako, ogorčen, 1930. godine rezervni kapetan Milutin Popadić, branilac Beograda 1915.

- Kad bi se sve te granate izlile u gvožđe to bi predstavljalo jedan blok od tri kilometra dužine i deset metara debljine. Dakle na Beograd je 1915. pao jedan meteor tih dimenzija i porušio ga. Pođite danas ulicama Beograda i potražite tragove njegovog mučeništva. Nigde ništa - rezignirano je tada zabeležio Popadić.


KOSTURNICA POD KAFANOM

DEO ostataka branilaca izginulih na prostoru Beogradske tvrđave pohranjen je tridesetih godina u kriptu u Jakšićevoj kuli. Posle ulaska komunista u Beograd 1944. godine kripta je obijena, a kosti su razbacivane i raznošene. Danas je iznad te male kosturnice jedna čuvena kafana, iz koje se cedi voda niz zidove večne kuće branilaca Beograda.


http://www.novosti.rs/vesti/naslovna/reportaze/aktuelno.293.html:472758-Spomen-kosturnicu-u-kojoj-lezi-5000-heroja-decenijama-niko-ne-obilazi


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If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at heroesofserbia@yahoo.com

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Three things the Centenary of the First World War is about...

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Lone Serbian soldier kneeling at a fresh gravesite among many in World War One
 
 
 
 *****
 
"Wherever in the world you are,
the Centenary is about rejuvenating the tributes that were made at the time, remembering with dignity those who fell, and teaching young adults today about the importance of it all..."
 
 
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If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra,
please feel free to contact me atheroesofserbia@yahoo.com


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Влада не одговара на писмо Николића - питања о плановима за обележавање стогодишњице Првог светског рата / Vlada ne odgovara na pismo Nikolića / "Politika" January 24, 2014

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Политика
М. Галовић
Oбјављено: 24.01.2014.
 
Председник Србије још од октобра чека одговор на питања о плановима за обележавање стогодишњице Првог светског рата

Председник Томислав Николић полаже венац на
Споменик незнаном јунаку на Авали 11. новембра 2013. године,
на Дан примирја (Фото Војска Србије)
 
Иако се примиче велики јубилеј – стогодишњица избијања Првог светског рата, чему се у многим европским државама посвећује изузетна пажња, припреме за обележавање овог значајног догађаја у Србији каскају за сличним активностима у другим земљама. Поврх свега, има и проблема у комуникацији међу највишим представницима власти – Влада Србије није доставила председнику Србије Томиславу Николићу податке о плановима за обележавање јубилеја које је тражио.

– Председник Републике СрбијеТомислав Николић у октобру 2013. године упутио је допис Влади Републике Србије, са захтевом да га информише о фази припреме програма, као и о припремљеним средствима за обележавање стогодишњице Првог светског рата. С обзиром на то да влада није предузела кораке о том питању или није обавестила председника Николића, председникове активности биће усмерене на подржавање активности на промоцији улоге Србије у Првом светском рату у свету, и на подршку таквим активностима у Србији – наводи се у званичном допису „Политици” из кабинета председника Србије, као одговор на питање „Политике” докле се стигло са припремама за обележавање великог јубилеја.

Као што је наш лист већ писао, влада је формирала Организациони одбор за обележавање стогодишњице Првог светског рата, на чијем челу је председник Николић. Чланови одбора су председник владе Ивица Дачић и сви министри, патријарх Иринеј и представници најзначајнијих националних институција.

У влади јуче није било могуће наћи саговорника који би објаснио проблем у комуникацији са кабинетом председника Србије. У Министарству рада, запошљавања, рада и социјалне политике, задуженом за неговање традиције ослободилачких ратова, кажу да нису упознати са писмом председника, због чега нису у могућности ни да коментаришу тврдње из његовог кабинета.

Како они истичу, по формирању организационог одбора дошло је до реконструкције владе, промене неких министара и руководилаца националних институција, због чега је из техничких разлога неопходно именовати нове чланове одбора. Недавно је донета одлука да се формира заједнички организациони одбор Србије и Републике Српске, што захтева конституисање практично новог одбора.

– Постоји нацрт обележавања стогодишњице Првог светског рата, у плану је централна државна свечаност за 28. јул ове године, у овом тренутку не бих могао да детаљније говорим о томе, организациони одбор ће доносити одлуке. Министарство рада, запошљавања и социјалне политике, иначе, има свој програм обележавања значајних датума и наравно да ћемо ове године посебну пажњу поклонити обележавању догађаја из Првог светског рата, а урадиће се доста тога и на реконструкцији меморијала овог рата – каже за „Политику” Негован Станковић, државни секретар у Министарству рада, запошљавања и социјалне политике, задужен за борачко-инвалидску заштиту и питања традиције.

За сада је са својим планом за обележавање јубилеја Великог рата искорачило само Министарство одбране, које ће наравно суделовати у свим државним активностима где се то буде од њих тражило. Организоваће се музејске изложбе, Војнофилмски центар „Застава филм” са РТС-ом снима документарни филм „Србија у Великом рату”, организоваће се међународни скуп историчара… Некадашњи аустроугарски брод „Бодрог”, са којег је 1914. гранатиран Београд, данас олупина која се налази на Дунаву у Београду, биће реконструисан и претворен у брод музеј.


М. Галовић
Oбјављено: 24.01.2014.


http://www.politika.rs/rubrike/Drustvo/Vlada-ne-odgovara-na-pismo-Nikolica.sr.html

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Vlada ne odgovara na pismo Nikolića

Predsednik Srbije još od oktobra čeka odgovor na pitanja o planovima za obeležavanje stogodišnjice Prvog svetskog rata

Predsednik Tomislav Nikolić polaže venac na Spomenik neznanom junaku
 na Avali 11. novembra 2013. godine, na Dan primirja (Foto Vojska Srbije)
 
Iako se primiče veliki jubilej – stogodišnjica izbijanja Prvog svetskog rata, čemu se u mnogim evropskim državama posvećuje izuzetna pažnja, pripreme za obeležavanje ovog značajnog događaja u Srbiji kaskaju za sličnim aktivnostima u drugim zemljama. Povrh svega, ima i problema u komunikaciji među najvišim predstavnicima vlasti – Vlada Srbije nije dostavila predsedniku Srbije Tomislavu Nikoliću podatke o planovima za obeležavanje jubileja koje je tražio.
 
– Predsednik Republike SrbijeTomislav Nikolić u oktobru 2013. godine uputio je dopis Vladi Republike Srbije, sa zahtevom da ga informiše o fazi pripreme programa, kao i o pripremljenim sredstvima za obeležavanje stogodišnjice Prvog svetskog rata. S obzirom na to da vlada nije preduzela korake o tom pitanju ili nije obavestila predsednika Nikolića, predsednikove aktivnosti biće usmerene na podržavanje aktivnosti na promociji uloge Srbije u Prvom svetskom ratu u svetu, i na podršku takvim aktivnostima u Srbiji – navodi se u zvaničnom dopisu „Politici” iz kabineta predsednika Srbije, kao odgovor na pitanje „Politike” dokle se stiglo sa pripremama za obeležavanje velikog jubileja.
 
Kao što je naš list već pisao, vlada je formirala Organizacioni odbor za obeležavanje stogodišnjice Prvog svetskog rata, na čijem čelu je predsednik Nikolić. Članovi odbora su predsednik vlade Ivica Dačić i svi ministri, patrijarh Irinej i predstavnici najznačajnijih nacionalnih institucija.
 
U vladi juče nije bilo moguće naći sagovornika koji bi objasnio problem u komunikaciji sa kabinetom predsednika Srbije. U Ministarstvu rada, zapošljavanja, rada i socijalne politike, zaduženom za negovanje tradicije oslobodilačkih ratova, kažu da nisu upoznati sa pismom predsednika, zbog čega nisu u mogućnosti ni da komentarišu tvrdnje iz njegovog kabineta.
 
Kako oni ističu, po formiranju organizacionog odbora došlo je do rekonstrukcije vlade, promene nekih ministara i rukovodilaca nacionalnih institucija, zbog čega je iz tehničkih razloga neophodno imenovati nove članove odbora. Nedavno je doneta odluka da se formira zajednički organizacioni odbor Srbije i Republike Srpske, što zahteva konstituisanje praktično novog odbora.
 
– Postoji nacrt obeležavanja stogodišnjice Prvog svetskog rata, u planu je centralna državna svečanost za 28. jul ove godine, u ovom trenutku ne bih mogao da detaljnije govorim o tome, organizacioni odbor će donositi odluke. Ministarstvo rada, zapošljavanja i socijalne politike, inače, ima svoj program obeležavanja značajnih datuma i naravno da ćemo ove godine posebnu pažnju pokloniti obeležavanju događaja iz Prvog svetskog rata, a uradiće se dosta toga i na rekonstrukciji memorijala ovog rata – kaže za „Politiku” Negovan Stanković, državni sekretar u Ministarstvu rada, zapošljavanja i socijalne politike, zadužen za boračko-invalidsku zaštitu i pitanja tradicije.
 
Za sada je sa svojim planom za obeležavanje jubileja Velikog rata iskoračilo samo Ministarstvo odbrane, koje će naravno sudelovati u svim državnim aktivnostima gde se to bude od njih tražilo. Organizovaće se muzejske izložbe, Vojnofilmski centar „Zastava film” sa RTS-om snima dokumentarni film „Srbija u Velikom ratu”, organizovaće se međunarodni skup istoričara… Nekadašnji austrougarski brod „Bodrog”, sa kojeg je 1914. granatiran Beograd, danas olupina koja se nalazi na Dunavu u Beogradu, biće rekonstruisan i pretvoren u brod muzej.
 
 
M. Galović
Objavljeno: 24.01.2014.
 
 
 
*****
 
If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at heroesofserbia@yahoo.com
 
*****
 

Searching for Information about Sister Catherine O’Rorke - Much decorated WWI Nurse who served in Serbia

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Aleksandra's Note:

One of the great things about researching THE GREAT WAR, is discovering the true-life stories of the female heroines who served with the military and the civilians in a good Samaritan capacity and who survived the war to share their experiences. Some of the stories of these remarkable women are well known, but others are not. If anyone has additional information about Sister Catherine O'Rorke whose story follows below, please do get in touch with me at the e-mail provided at the bottom of this post.

Although her obituary reads that she died in Switzerland, the authorities there appear to have no information about where she is buried. There is a question of whether she might have been buried in Serbia, the land that she loved so dearly.

Thank you for any help you can provide in this search for information about Sister Catherine.

Sincerely,

Aleksandra Rebic

*****


FROM:

The British Journal of Nursing - February 1932

The death of Sister Catherine O’Rorke in a Nursing Home at Territet, Switzerland, brings to mind memories of the Great War, for Sister Catherine underwent the alarming experience of being arrested with Miss Edith Cavell (in whose home she was working) by the Germans in Brussels.
She subsequently served as a nurse in France, at the Scottish Women’s Hospital at Royaumont, and through a typhus epidemic at Vranja [Vranje], Serbia, after which she spent eight years at the Children’s Hospital in Belgrade.
Miss O’Rorke was awarded by the French Government the Medialle Militaire and by the Serbian Government the Order of St. Sava.  She also received the Croix de Guerre of France and the Cross of the Red Cross Society, Belgrade.


The British Journal of Nursing - February 1932


*****

FROM:

Obituary, Straits Times– 13 February 1932

There has died in a Swiss nursing home Sister Catherine O’Rorke, who was arrested with Nurse Cavell by the Germans, in Brussels.  Of Sister O’Rorke, the saying of her friend and leader can be used: - “Patriotism was not enough.”

After her ordeal in Brussels she served as a nurse in France throughout the rest of the War, nursed through a typhus epidemic in Serbia and spent eight years tending the children of Belgrade.

Though her adventures were many, no one ever heard her talk about them.  She was quiet, modest and aloof.  Her awards: – the Cross of the British Red Cross Society, the Croix de Guerre of France and the Order of St. Sava of Serbia were gained in a life of self sacrifice.
Sister O’Rorke came to London in 1913, at the age of 24 from Ireland, having already qualified as a nurse.  At the time Edith Cavell required help at her training school for nurses in Brussels.  Sister O’Rorke gained the post.
I was told today, “When Nurse Cavell was arrested, Sister O’Rorke was arrested with her.  She would never talk about that time, but we who knew her guessed what a terrible experience she must have had.”
Among Typhus Patients
“In December 1914 she was sent back to England.  She immediately applied for service in France and was at the Scottish Women’s Hospital at Royaumont in January 1915.  That was where I knew her best.  She was not physically very strong, but her spirit of devotion to the wounded kept her going when other people of similar physique would have collapsed.”
“Except for a break of a month or two when rest was ordered because of ill-health she carried on at Royaumont to the end of the War.  Her excellence as an organiser and her wonderful spirit led her being promoted to Matron.”
“We expected her take a short rest after the War, but instead she at once volunteered for service at Uranje [Vranje], Serbia where an epidemic of typhus had broken out.  After nine months of the hardships and perils that surrounded this work she joined Dr. Katherine MacPhail at the Children’s Hospital, Belgrade.  Here again she provoked the warm regard of everyone.”
“During her last four years in Belgrade she was in charge of the out-patients’ department.  There are few children in Belgrade who do not know and love her.  This constant over-taxing of her energies led to her death.  She would not rest and her health suffered accordingly.”
Obituary, Sister Catherine O'Rorke
Straits Times– 13 February 1932
 
 
*****
 
If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra,
please feel free to contact me at heroesofserbia@yahoo.com
 
*****

"Prve koncentracione logore pravili Austrougari za Srbe - 1915. i 1916. godine" / "Vesti Online" December 27, 2013

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Vesti-Online
Srna
December 27, 2013

Prvi koncentracioni logori u Evropi osnovani su za Srbe još u Austro-Ugarskoj tokom 1915. i 1916. godine, ali se o tome malo zna, između ostalog zbog austrijske politike umanjivanja sopstvene odgovornosti za zločine nacizma, izjavio je Srni istoričar iz Beograda Predrag Marković.

Polaganje venaca dobojskim logorašima / Foto: Srna
 
"Austrijanci sve vreme vode pokvarenu politiku - da su oni drugačiji, da nisu oni krivi, nego su krivi nacisti, a zapravo mnoge tekovine kasnijeg, nacističkog režima, zapravo su austrougarski izum. Mnogi rukovodioci nacista bili su Austrijanci, uključujući i samog Hitlera", naveo je Marković.

Prema njegovim rečima, razlog je i taj što ti logori nisu bili tako užasni kao koncentracioni logori u Drugom svetskom ratu i u njima su ljudi umirali uglavnom od gladi i bolesti, a nisu istrebljivani, tako da je ova, mnogo dramatičnija priča, pokrila prvu.

Marković podseća da je čuveni logor iz Drugog svetskog rata Mauthauzen osnovan u Prvom svetskom ratu i da su njegovi prvi zatvorenici bili Srbi, civili "tako da korišćenje koncentracionih logora zapravo nije nacistički izum, korišćen je u Austro-Ugarskoj protiv Srba".

"U svetskim okvirima prvi koncentracioni logori za civile bili su logori u koje su Britanci zatvarali pobunjene potomke holandskih doseljenika Bure u Burskom ratu početkom 20. veka, ali u evropskim okvirima može se reći da su Srbi bili prvi koji su zatvarani u koncentracione logore", istakao je Marković.

On je ocenio da nije realna opasnost da bi đaci jednog dana u Evropi mogli da uče kako su Srbi krivi za Prvi svetski rat, ali ističe da će tendencija biti da se taj rat prikaže kao besmisleni rat unutar evropske porodice.

"Prvi svetski rat je generalno uspomena koje se Evropljani stide. On nema tu jasnu podelu na dobro i zlo kao Drugi svetski rat i tendencija će biti da to bude prikazano kao jedan besmisleni rat, kao rat unutar evropske porodice, u kome je došlo do nepotrebnih ljudskih patnji", zaključio je Marković.

Na današnji dan, 27. decembra 1915. godine, osnovan je austrougarski logor za Srbe u Doboju u kojem je bilo zatočeno više od 45.000 Srba, od kojih 12.000 nije preživelo.

Odbor Vlade Republike Srpske za njegovanje tradicije oslobodilačkih ratova utvrdio je kao događaj od posebnog značaja internaciju Srba u dobojski austrougarski logor, budući da je tadašnja Austro-Ugarska izvršila prvi genocid nad Srbima u 20. veku.


http://www.vesti-online.com/Vesti/Srbija/370536/Prve-konc-logore-pravili-Austrougari-za-Srbe


*****

If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at heroesofserbia@yahoo.com

*****
   

Spomenik Gavrilu Principu na Kalemegdanu - Inicijativa potekla iz Vlade Srbije / "Novosti" January 22, 2014

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Novosti
Rade Dragović
22. januar 2014.

Najpoznatiji član „Mlade Bosne“, uskoro će dobiti spomen-obeležje u Beogradu. Inicijativa potekla iz Vlade Srbije.

Obeležje će biti u blizini spomenika zahvalnosti Francuskoj
 
NA stogodišnjicu početka Prvog svetskog rata Gavrilo Princip dobiće prvi spomenik u Beogradu. Obeležje u čast najpoznatijeg člana Mlade Bosne biće najkasnije do juna otkriveno u Kalemegdanskom parku. Identičan spomenik Principu biće podignut i u Istočnom Sarajevu.
 
Inicijativa za podizanje spomenika atentatoru na austrougarskog prestolonaslednika Franca Ferdinanda potekla je od Vlade Srbije u okviru obeležavanja veka od Sarajevskog atentata i početka Velikog rata. Srbija i srpski narod na taj način će ispraviti i svojevrsnu nepravdu prema Principu, koji nikada nije dobio spomenik.
 
Kako prenose izvori „Novosti“, planira se postavljanje grandioznog spomen-obeležja, koje će biti podignuto na Kalemegdanu, a uskoro će biti određena i tačna lokacija. Mesto koje će najverovatnije biti izabrano za Principov monument biće nedaleko od spomenika zahvalnosti Francuskoj.
 
Ideju da Princip dobije mesto u alejama znamenitih ličnosti nad ušćem Save u Dunav podržava i istoričar Mile Bjelajac i napominje da je Srbija matica srpskog naroda koja bi trebalo da oda počast svakom Srbinu vrednom istorije, bez obzira na mesto rođenja ili života.

- Gavrilo Princip je bio borac za slobodu i zaslužuje adekvatnu počast - izričit je Bjelajac. - Podizanje ovakvog spomenika nije teranje inata Evropi, koja bi kao „skladište starih vrednosti“ trebalo da razume motive ovog čina. Princip je bio ubeđeni protivnik svake okupacije, a pravo na borbu za slobodu ne može da se negira.

 
Iako se niz škola i javnih ustanova decenijama naziva po ovom revolucionaru, monument u Beogradu biće prvi Gavrilu Principu u čast. Na njegov čin u prošlosti gledalo se u svetlu kontroverzi oko uloge Srbije u atentatu, što je verovatno i bio razlog zbog čega Princip do sada nije dobio spomen-obeležje.
 
Na ovo podseća istoričar Bojan Dimitrijević i poziva na oprez zbog mogućih zloupotreba ovog čina od novih prekrajatelja istorije.
 
Princip i sarajevski atentatori danas počivaju u zajedničkoj grobnici u Sarajevu, nedaleko od naselja Koševo, a skromna kapela jedini je spomenik mladim revolucionarima. Ovaj objekat naziva se „Grobnica vidovdanskih heroja“ i čuva posmrtne ostatke jedanaestorice članova Mlade Bosne.
 
 
ATENTAT ZA TURISTE
 
SPOMENIK Gavrilu Principu identičan beogradskom, prema najavama iz Nemanjine 11, biće podignut i u Istočnom Sarajevu. Stogodišnjica atentata koji je promenio mapu Evrope, svega nekoliko kilometara dalje, međutim, biće obeležena u potpuno drugom tonu. Vlasti BiH i Grada Sarajevo još nisu definitivno odustale od obnove spomenika prestolonasledniku Ferdinandu i njegovoj supruzi Sofiji. Uz to, poslednjih meseci pominje se i vraćanje čuvenih Principovih stopa. Ovi potezi, prema objašnjenjima vlasti, poboljšaće turističku ponudu Sarajeva.
 
SLIKA KAO DOKAZ
 
FOTOGRAFIJA nemačkih oficira koji Hitleru uručuju spomen-ploču donetu iz Sarajeva sa natpisom o mestu na kome je ubijen Ferdinand obišla je Evropu i dokazala vezu između dva svetska rata. Ovu fotografiju otkrio je nedavno književnik i publicista Muharem Bazdulj, a istoričari je smatraju najjačim adutom Srbije u borbi protiv prekrajanja istorije i optužbi da je 1914. godine izazvala svetski sukob.
 
 
 
 
*****
 
If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at heroesofserbia@yahoo.com
 
 
*****
 

Gavrilo Princip "to have monument" in Kalemegdan Park, Belgrade, Serbia / "Centenary News" January 24, 2014

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Centenary News
Novosti Jan. 22, 2014
Translated by: Tanja Bonny, Centenary News
Posted by: Daniel Barry, Centenary News

Kalemegdan Park in Belgrade, Serbia / Photo: Wikipedia
 
The Serbian daily, Novosti, reports that an initiative by the Government of Serbia will see a monument to Archduke Franz Ferdinand's assassin - Gavrilo Princip - erected in Kalemegdan Park, Belgrade, for the Centenary.

The monument will be revealed sometime before June 2014, with an identical statue also being built in eastern Sarajevo. This is in an effort to "rectify the injustice towards Princip", who has never had a monument dedicated to him.

Historian Mile Bjelajac states that: "Serbia is the home of the Serbian people [regardless] of where they were born - Princip was a freedom fighter and he deserves a place here".

Bjelajac states that the monument is not intended to be provocative to Europe, which, as a "cradle of old values", "needs to understand the motives of [Princip's] actions" as a "freedom fighter".


http://www.centenarynews.com/article?id=1380


*****

If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at heroesofserbia@yahoo.com

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They died for Serbia / Serbian WWI prisoners of war who died in the Netherlands / Srpski ratni zarobljenici u Holandiji - SEĆANJE - Umrli za Srbiju

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Serbian officer (1919) and Serbian soldiers who arrived to our country from German PoW camps (1919), drawings by Jan Hoynck van Papendrecht
 

Welcome to www.secanje.nl

 

Thiswebsite is dedicated to the Serbian World War I soldiers who died in the Netherlands. A monument inGarderenis dedicated to the memory of them. To read their story you can read the introduction. Below you can read the latest news items.

 

This website is in three languages: English, Serbian and Dutch so you can choose your preferred language in the menu at the top at the right side.

 

Srpski: Za posetioce na srpskom jeziku izaberite opciju za jezik u gornjem desnom uglu.

 

Nederlands: Voor onze Nederlands sprekende bezoekers: als u rechtsbovenaan "Nederlands" klikt dan heeft u de site in het Nederlands.

 

11/01/2014: 95 years ago - In Memoriam

 
This is the year when we commemorate 100 years from the beginning of the First World War.  Also 95 years ago the Serbian soldiers from the WWI died of the Spanish flu in the Netherlands. They reached the Netherlands on their way home after the war.

This is the month when we commemorate those Serbian victims of the Spanish flu in the Netherlands.

On 11th January 1919 Miloš Simonović died in Rotterdam.

On 15th January 1919 Milorad Ristanović died in Enschede.

On 17th January 1919 Svetozar Božanić died in Dordrecht, Tihomir Jovanović in Enschede , Dejan Ilić in Nijmegen and Najdan Nikodijević in Usselo.

On 18th January 1919 Srećko Bogosavljević and Milosav Milosavljević died in Apeldoorn (Nieuw-Milligen), Vladimir Jovanović in Dordrecht, Velimir Dodolisko, Velisav Ivanović, Miloš Jeremić, Serafim Kapović and Mililsav Marković in Nijmegen and Nikola Nikolajević in Usselo.

On 19th January 1919 Živko Damnjanović died in Amersfoort, Viden Matić, Branko Radović, Živan Stefanović in Apeldoorn (Nieuw-Milligen), Sretan Stevanović, Milentije Vukadinović in Dordrecht and Dejan Milošević, Dragojle Ranković and Luka Živković in Nijmegen.

On 20th January 1919 Nikola Brčerević, Stanislav Marinković and Đura Stojadinović died in Apeldoorn (Nieuw-Milligen), Milan Brkić, Jovan Paunović in Dordrecht, Đorđe Mitrović in Enschede, Miloš Donević, Jezdimir, Vukosav Miljković, Mihajlo Stenović, Ivan Živanović in Nijmegen and Mihajlo Avramović in Usselo.

On 21st January 1919 Vladimir Bošković, Bogdan Lazić, Marjan Marjanović, Milovan Milojević, Tihomir Mitrović and Velizar Vuković died in Apeldoorn (Nieuw-Milligen), Dragutin Milanović, Petar Nikolić in Nijmegen and Stojan Đorđevićm Miloš Obradović in Usselo.

On 22nd January 1919 Milenko Damnjanović, Milomir Matijević, Đorđe Vukosavljević died in Apeldoorn (Nieuw-Milligen), Živojin Miladinović in Dordrecht, Sreten Raičić in Enschede, Stojan Miosavljević in Hengelo, Arsen Lazarević, Laza Lazarević, Kosta Marković, Milutin Talović in Nijmegen and Božidar Radovanović in Usselo.

On 23th January 1919 Dragomir Mijatović, Vladimir Mitrović died Apeldoorn (Nieuw-Milligen), Petar Aleksić in Dordrecht, Desimir Popović en Dimitrije Stojanović in Enschede, Stanoje Dobrosavljević in Hengelo, Miloš Gavrović, Dragoš Nikolić and Radovan Nikolić in Usselo.

On 24th January 1919 Aranđel Milošević, Milosav Nikolić, Aleksandar Stanković died in Apeldoorn (Nieuw-Milligen), Mihailo Gajić in Nijmegen and Milenko Marković in Usselo.

On 25th January 1919 Živan Antonijević, Petar Martinović, Milivoje Miladinović, Đorđe Perić died in Apeldoorn (Nieuw-Milligen) and Stevan Paunović in Hengelo.

On 26th January 1919 Radosav Jovičić died in Dordrecht.

On 27th January 1919 Dragan Dimitrijević, Vasilije Simonović died in Apeldoorn (Nieuw-Milligen) and Todor Krušeljević in Dordrecht.

On 28th January 1919 Stevan Vasić died in (Nieuw-Milligen) and Uroš Radivojević in Dordrecht.

On 30th January 1919 Stanko Lazarević died in Apeldoorn (Nieuw-Milligen) and Božidar Živanović in Dordrecht.

On 2nd February 1919 Stojan Marković died in Dordrecht.

On 5th February 1919 Dragutin Milutinović died in Dordrecht.

On 7th February 1919 Milojko Karadžić died in Dordrecht.

Eternal glory to them!

12/11/2013 Stanislav Marinković

Our latest story is online now and it is about the fate of Stanislav Marinković from Tavnik, click here.


06/10/2013: Pictures of the remembrance service in Garderen

The 5th of October a remembrance service was held in Garderen (the Netherlands) for the Serbian World War I soldiers who died in the Netherlands.

You can find the pictures here: Garderen 5th October 2013
 
         
Remains of Serbian POWs who died in the Netherlands have been found after 75 years

THE HAGUE / BELGRADE - Recent research has shown that the remains of 89 Serb prisoners of war who died in the Netherlands in 1919 are in a Serbian mausoleum in Jindřichovice near Karlovy Vary in the Czech Republic.

Most of these 89 Serb prisoners of war who came early in 1919 in various transit camps throughout the Netherlands died due to the Spanish flu. They were temporarily taken on their way home through the port of Rotterdam, after the First World War. Some of them already achieved to reach neutral Netherlands before the end of the war. In total, more than 4,000 Serbs return home via the Netherlands. They came from concentration and internment camps in which they were held as prisoners of war in Germany.

In the Netherlands a total of 92 Serbian soldiers deceased between 1917 and 1919 and they were buried in 9 cemeteries. After the war, the government in Belgrade decided to concentrate their war victims on a limited number of places in Europe. The remains were exhumed and put in coffins and put together in mausoleums. Thus, plans were made for the 89 Serbian war graves in the Netherlands that they should be exhumed and transferred. Until recently, the trail of those Serbian war graves ended in Wyler, near Nijmegen, where the lead coffins with destination "Czechoslovakia" were transferred to the German authorities on May 18, 1938.


The explanatory memorandum for the budget for 1940/41 from the war department of the Ministry of Justice of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia was discovered at the end of April in the Archives of Yugoslavia in Belgrade. Here, it was written that the remains were then transferred to a mausoleum that was built near the former Austrian camp Heinrischgrün in Bohemia in 1924. In that camp were mostly Serbian and Russian prisoners of war who were engaged in mining. In addition, thousands were killed.

The mausoleum, in what is now called Jindřichovice is located in the Czech Republic, was restored in 1996 and is accessible to the public upon request. Until 1940, the remains of 7470 Serbs and 189 Russians were put here. The originally from Netherlands lead coffins are identified by the numbers 1 untill 89.

The Serbian prisoners of war who deceased in the Netherlands are commemorated every first Saturday of October at the Serbian Cemetery monument on Craatshof in Garderen. Before the Second World War, there was a memorial for the Serbian prisoners of war who died in the camp near Milligen.


http://www.secanje.nl/en/


*****

If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at heroesofserbia@yahoo.com

*****

Највећи српски светитељ - Свети Сава

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Савиндан - 14. јануара по старом, а 27. јануара по новом календару,
Православна Црква слави Светог Саву,
првог архиепископа и просветитеља српског. 
 
Растко Немањић, најмлађи син великог српског жупана Стефана Немање и Ане, рођен је око 1174. године. Заједно са старијом браћом, Стефаном и Вуканом, на двору у Расу, добио је изванредно образовање. Од ране младости показивао је љубав према књизи. На његов духовни развој највише су утицала житија јужнословенских пустињака, светог Јована Рилског, Јована Осоговског, Гаврила Лесновског и Прохора Пчињског. Ипак, сматра се да се мали Растко највише одушевљавао житијем светог и равноапостолног Кирила, просветитеља Словена, које је често читано на Немањином двору.

Већ у петнаестој години отац му даде на управљање Хумску област, између Неретве и Дубровника. Као владар био је кротак, благ и љубазан према свима. Помагао је сиротињи, као ретко ко други. Посебно је поштовао монахе.

Међутим, тежећи савршенијем животу, млади Растко је напустио родитељски дом и отишао у Свету Гору. У осамнаестој години живота примио је монашки чин и добио име Сава. Стефан Немања, који је монаху Сави слао богату материјалну помоћ за светогорске манастире, замонашио се, пошто је предао престо сину Стефану. Kао монах Симеон, придружиo се најмлађем сину у манастиру Ватопеду, чији су велики добротвори убрзо постали.

Они, затим, обновише напуштени и опустошени манастир Хиландар, који је византијски цар Алексије Ш предао Србима у власништво. Хиландар је све до XVIII века био највећа српска школа и расадник наше духовности, просвете и културе.

После четрнаест година, тачније 1207. године, са моштима Светог Симеона Мироточивог, Сава - сада у чину архимандрита - враћа се у Србију и у манастиру Студеници, очевој задужбини, мири око власти завађену браћу Стефана и Вукана. Потом ради на црквеном и културном просвећивању српског народа; говори им о хришћанском моралу, љубави и милосрђу; ради на организацији Цркве (оснива епархије). У својој личности је објединио просветитеља, духовника, државника и учитеља.

На празник Успења Пресвете Богородице, 15. августа 1219. године, у Никеји патријарх Манојло Сарантен, уз сагласност цара Теодора I Ласкариса хротонише Саву за првог српског архиепископа. Од тада је Српска Православна Црква аутокефална, са благословом да српски архиепископи могу да примају посвећење од сабора својих епископа. Исте године, на сабору у манастиру Жичи који је постао седиште самосталне Српске Цркве, Сава од својих најбољих ученика изабра и посвети неколико епископа и разасла их у епархије широм отачаства. У Србији подиже многе цркве, манастире и школе.

Године 1234. Свети Сава креће на своје друго путовање у Свету Земљу. Пре поласка, на престо Српске Архиепископије поставља свог оданог ученика Арсенија Сремца, човека духовног и христоликог живота. Ово је био мудар и промишљен потез, пошто је знао да од личности наследника умногоме зависи даља судбина Српске Цркве и државе.

Приликом повратка са поклоничког путовања, упокојио се у Бугарској, у Трнову, на Богојављење 14. јануара 1235. године. Краљ Владислав је, 1237. године, уз највише црквено-државне почасти пренео мошти светитеља Саве у манастир Милешеву.

Присуство његових светих моштију имало је за сваког Србина изузетан духовни, али и политички значај, а нарочито у време турског ропства. Ни једна личност код Срба није толико уткана у свест и биће народа као личност Светога Саве. Пример за то су устаници у Банату са краја XVI века, на челу са вршачким владиком Теодором. На устаничком барјаку била је извезена икона Светог Саве. Срби су устали против тираније турских власти, али је убрзо уследила одмазда. Године 1594. на Врачару у Београду, Синан паша је на ломачи спалиo Савине свете мошти. Предање каже да су дим и пепео са те ломаче развејали огањ благодати Христове у све српске земље и у све српске душе. Због тога му Срби, не само у српским земљама, него и широм света, подигоше многе свете храмове. Сада, управо на месту на коме су спаљене његове свете мошти, Срби са свих светских меридијана довршавају највећи, величанствени - Спомен-храм Светог Саве.

Храм Светог Саве на Врачару

 
 
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please feel free to contact me at heroesofserbia@yahoo.com
 
 
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WWI Centenary Countdown: Five months until the 100 year anniversary of Archduke's assassination / "Centenary News" January 28, 2014

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Centenary News
January 28, 2014

Archduke Franz Ferdinand with his wife Sophie and three children
Photo courtesy of the Imperial War Museum, © IWM, Q 81810


Today marks five months until the Centenary of the assassination of the heir to the thone of Austria-Hungary, Archduke Franz Ferdinand, and six months until Centenary of the outbreak of the First World War.

The assassination in Sarajevo took place on the 28th June 1914.

Commemorations

On the 21st June 2014, the University of Sarajevo will host a major international conference entitled: 'The Position of the First World War in the History of Europe'.

Scholars from 26 European countries and the US and Canada have already confirmed their attendance to the conference, which will "discuss all aspects that led to the outbreak of World War I".

The Vienna Philharmonic Orchestra has announced that it will perform at Sarajevo Vijecnica (city hall) on the 28th June 2014 to mark the Centenary of the assassination.

France and Germany also announced in April 2013 that they would provide funding to the City of Sarajevo to mark the outbreak of the conflict.

A programme of events in the city will include cultural events, commemorations, academic reflection upon the conflict, as well as athletic events for the month of June 2014.

A foundation - Sarajevo heart of Europe – was established by France and the city of Sarajevo. The foundation will also be involved in the commemorations.

Blame

In mainstream histories of the origins of the First World War, Ferdinand's assassination by Bosnian-Serb nationalist Gavrilo Princip has been considered an important cause in the outbreak of the conflict.

However, this idea has been challenged, and is increasingly being done so in light of the Centenary.

Since the start of 2014, there have been several political arguments about left vs. right readings of the conflict and who is to "blame" for its outbreak.

Serbia

At the beginning of 2014, the National Archive of Serbia presented a copy of a letter from 1913, which the Director of the National Archive, Dr. Miroslav Perisic, claimed absolved his country from any blame for causing the First World War.

The letter was written by the Austrian Governor of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Oskar Potiorek, to the Austro-Hungarian Minister of Finance and is dated the 28th May 1913.

The document is a 1930 typewriter copy of the handwritten letter.

Governor Potiorek highlights the importance of preventing a "union of all Southern Slavs" in the letter and that the Austro-Hungarian Empire should prepare for "an inevitable large-scale war in a few years".

He also warns that "one can never make Serbia a trusted friend", as it "will fight in any future war openly and bitterly on the side of our enemies".

Dr. Perisic stated that the letter - of which the original cannot be located - is "a primary source and one of the most important historical sources for the study of questions of guilt and responsibility for the First World War".

The announcement was welcomed in the Serbian press.

On the 5th January 2014, Blic ran the headline 'Vienna panned war in 1913'; Novosti went with the headline that Austria had 'planned war a year before the murder of Ferdinand'; whilst an online article on the Kurir website stated that 'Austria-Hungary was preparing for war 13 months before murder of Ferdinand!'.

Austria

The presentation of the letter from 1913 was criticised in Austria.

The newspaper Neue Zürcher Zeitung published an article on its website on the 7th January 2014 about the letter, in which it stated that Serbia refused to accept that Gavrilo Princip would be remembered as an "Al-Qaeda like terrorist".

It also claimed that Belgrade refused to accept that Serbia was "complicit in the catastrophe of the First World War".

The article also states that a huge "propagandistic effort" had been put in to the presentation of the letter by the Serbian authorities, with the intention of trying to "whitewash Serbia of all charges [of its role in the outbreak of the First World War]".


Posted by: Daniel Barry, Centenary News


http://www.centenarynews.com/article?id=1389


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Заборављени хероји Првог светског рата / "Дан Ветерана" - Видовдан [Novosti] January 19, 2014

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"Дан Ветерана"Видовдан
January 19, 2014
Вечерње новости
Boris Subašić
January 18, 2014

Мало данашњих становника Београда зна да је 1924. године маршал Франше Депере одликовао француском Легијом части српску престоницу због хероизма њених бранилаца и становништва у Првом светском рату. Само пет градова у свету носи ово одликовање.

    Franše Depere je odlikovao francuskom Legijom časti srpsku prestonicu

Београд је, иначе, био поприште прве битке у Великом рату и највише је рушен и најжешће брањен град у Европи. Кости 5.000 бранилаца Београда ископане су с попришта битака тек деценију после рата и сахрањене у спомен-костурницу на Новом гробљу. Она је, као и монументални споменик, подигнута добровољним прилозима преживелих ратника и тадашње београдске општине.

Костурница је, као и оне на Зејтинлику и на Крфу, направљена да потомство може да дође и поклони се сенима јунака. Преживели браниоци су је предали 1931. године на старање београдској општини. Данас су, као и деценијама раније, врата крипте закључана и ниједна свећа не осветљава мрак у коме почивају хероји одбране Београда, првог бомбардованог и срачунато рушеног европског града у 20. веку.

„Новости“ су многим данашњим Београђанима откриле да спомен-костурница постоји. Сада подсећамо зашто њена врата треба да буду отворена поклоницима.

БЕОГРАЂАНИ СЕ САМООРГАНИЗОВАЛИ

НА дан објаве рата 28. јула 1914. у Београду није било војске. Дунавска дивизија је повучена из касарни у Доњем граду Београдске тврђаве, наредбом Пашићеве владе која се склонила у Ниш, а није одлучила да ли треба бранити престоницу.

Београђани су се самоорганизовали. У кафанама „Златни топ“ и „Златна моруна“ пријављивали су се као добровољци старим четничким војводама из балканских ратова. Са финансијском стражом Савског пристаништа увече, 28. јула, заузели су положаје на београдским обалама од Аде Циганлије до дунавског кеја.

НЕМЦИ, ПОСЛЕ АУСТРОУГАРА, ТУКЛИ СА СВИХ СТРАНА

ПОСЛЕ три пропале аустроугарске офанзиве на Србију, команду је преузела Немачка. Маршал Макензен, 5. октобра 1915, наређује интензивно даноноћно бомбардовање Београда. Српску престоницу даноноћно је тукло 400 оруђа свих калибара, укључујући „мортаре“ (усмртитеље) од 420 мм. На Београд је за два дана пало више од 100.000 граната.

- Велики број кућа које горе нико и не гаси. Непријатељ намерно туче баш запаљене куће, верујући да им становници прилазе ради гашења. Цела је варош мртвачница. Све су улице препуне лешева. Нико их не може склонити, јер је варош стално под ватром топова – забележио је Богослав Војновић Пеликан, сликар, који је 1915. био ђак-наредник у одбрани Београда.

ЗАСТАВЕ

ПОСЛЕ подвига Београђана, војска се вратила у престоницу и на фронту од Остружнице до Гроцке формирана је одбрана Београда, под командом старог генерала Михаила Живковића Гвозденог. Срце одбране био је Градски одсек под командом генерала Јоксима П. Гајића. У штаб на Београдској тврђави, 9. новембра 1914, аустроугарски генерал Гоглија шаље ултиматум – захтева да Гајић преда тврђаву и уместо српске истакне белу заставу.

- Ађутанту сам наредио да уместо једне српске заставе, истакне три велике српске заставе – био је Гајићев одговор. Затим је наредио паљбу из свих топова која је аустроугарске мониторе натерала на повлачење.

СРЕМСКИ ОДРЕД ПРВИ ОДБРАНИО ГРАД

УОЧИ поноћи, 28. јула 1914. године, Аустроугари су покушали да заузму Београд. Сремски добровољачки одред спречио је упад на Аду Циганлију. Дизањем у ваздух београдске стране железничког моста онемогућен је улазак аустроугарског војног воза. Осујећен је десант на Савско пристаниште на које су кренула три аустријска пароброда са шлеповима пуним војника. Меци бранилаца погодили су капетана и крмара „Алкотмања“ и брод се насукао на леву обалу Саве. Остали су побегли.

Аустроугарски монитори засули су Београд артиљеријском и митраљеском ватром. Почело је рушење града дуго 15 месеци.

ИЗ РОВА ПРАВО У СМРТ

УПРКОС бесомучном бомбардовању браниоци Београда не одступају. Макензен тражи појачања јер офанзива застаје на обалама. Српска престоница, као да умире, али се не предаје.

- Дуж средине Аде, ври као у котлу пушчана и митраљеска ватра. Артиљерија туче непрестано, делови људског меса падају свуда по пољу. Око подне чули су се јаки крици са Мале аде, после чега је наступила тишина. Када је испуцала последњи метак, посада је завршила борбу ножем у прса – забележио је пуковник Милан Ј. Радојевић, командант Аде Циганлије.

ДУНАВСКИ КЕЈ

КАДРОВЦИ, ђаци-војници мајора Гавриловића, младићи из остатка Сремског добровољачког одреда, жандарми и грађани приковали су немачку офанзиву на дунавском кеју и Дорћолу.

- Улица пуна мртвих јунака: једни седе, други леже са раширеним рукама, лица бледа као да су од воска, на њима крвави реденици – забележио је капетан Живко Кезић. – У узаним рововима су били измешани живи и мртви браниоци.


Вечерње новости

http://dan-veterana.blogspot.com/2014/01/blog-post_19.html#.UujztunnbIV


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If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please please feel free to contact me at heroesofserbia@yahoo.com


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Centenary of WWI Largely Ignored in Russia / "The Moscow Times" January 20, 2014

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Vladimir Putin, President of Russia
 

The Moscow Times
By Des Brown
20 January 2014 | Issue 5292

British historian and journalist Sir Max Hastings has penned volumes chronicling World War II, Korean War and Falklands War.  His latest work, "Catastrophe: Europe Goes to War 1914," recounts the events of the first year of World War I and was published in September 2013, in time for this year's centennial anniversary of the start of the war.

In Britain, the centenary of World War I is capturing the British public's imagination throughout the year with numerous events and exhibitions, yet much less attention is being paid in Russia. The Moscow Times spoke to Hastings about why the war has less resonance for the Russians than for the British.

"World War I was very nearly written out of Russian history during the early years of the Soviet Union because of the Bolshevik view that it was a capitalist war in which the Russian people had been the victim rather than the protagonist," Hastings explained, adding that World War II fit better into the heroic version of Russian history promulgated by Vladimir Putin.

Russia's war dead were three times as many as Britain and many more than the French, with a figure of at least 2 million. Some historians give Russia some of the blame for the outbreak of World War I, but Hastings opposes this view.

"Some people say that Russia should never have mobilized in response to the Austro-Hungarian threat to Serbia, but personally I think that the Russians were entirely entitled to take the view that Serbia was under the Tsar's protection," Hastings said, noting that the instability of the Russian Empire at the time made the move dangerous for the Tsar.

Following the February 1917 revolution and Nicholas II's abdication there was what was known [as] Trench Bolshevism — mutinies in the trenches, with Russian soldiers refusing to obey orders and deserting. Sir Max was not surprised that substantial parts of the Russian army refused to continue the war, but instead finds it remarkable that the same did not happen in other armies as well.

"An awful lot of politicians in Britain were frightened that the same might happen in the British lines," Hastings said, noting the huge industrial unrest throughout Europe in the years preceding the war, as well as ongoing conflict in Ireland.

Twenty-three years after the collapse of the Soviet Union, Hastings feels that there is a tremendous sense of disappointment that the world has moved on, and the opportunity for welcoming Russia into the community of nations in the West has passed without result.

"I do not think that all blame lies on the Russian side, by any means," he reflects, adding that "the Western powers behaved with a degree of  condescension towards Russia that was bound to deeply distress, and indeed anger, as proud a nation as Russia. There was condescension in both Washington and the European capitals and this did not help in any way with creating a happy bilateral relationship."

Hastings has little time for President Putin's interpretation of history and "his shameless enthusiasm for Stalin," whom Hastings considers to be "a monster in the same league as Hitler."

Sir Max does not feel there is any danger of going back to the Cold War era and the days of nuclear confrontations, but he says that "the feeling in London, rightly or wrongly, is that the Russian government see politics and diplomacy as a zero sum game, in whatever the West wants must be something that Russia opposes.  And this is very depressing, but it is very hard to see it changing."


http://www.themoscowtimes.com/arts_n_ideas/article/centenary-of-wwi-largely-ignored-in-russia/493008.html


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Opinion: 1914 all over again? / "Deutsche Welle" January 9, 2014

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Deutsche Welle
Susanne Spröer
January 9, 2014

In light of WWI's centenary, media reports argue there are a number of striking similarities between 1914 and today. In fact, there are analogies, says DW's Susanne Spröer, but the differences are far more important.

DW's Susanne Spröer
 
Trenches and gas masks, spiked helmets and propaganda postcards: Newspapers, magazines and online media have been commemorating World War One for weeks as 2014 marks the centenary of the war's outbreak.
 
Often, articles attest that our world today isn't that far off from 1914, stating a "haunting currentness of WWI," a "past that doesn't go by," and "the Great War's disastrous echo."
 
And there are in fact similarities between 1914 and 2014.
 
Back then, people also looked ahead to a rapidly changing future with new transportation means (like cars), new media (cinema) and new communication means (telephone). It was a time when people believed in modern times - times of new departures, the first waves of globalization and international travels.
 
It was a first glance into a future that people wanted to shape according to their needs, by making use of the means available to them. But these aren't the means we have today.
 
Separatists like Catalans in Spain or the Northern Irish in Great Britain are still fighting for independence within a united Europe - just like Serbian nationalists did back then. But most of them don't make use of violence to reach their goal, having turned to arguments instead.
 
Terrorism then and now
 
And just like Sarajevo's conspirators, there are indoctrinated people today who are willing to die for their extremist ambitions: the masterminds of the 9/11 attacks or suicide attackers who kill innocent bystanders in Baghdad on an almost daily basis.
 
But such actions are ostracized by the international community today. And so is the dictum of war as "continuation of politics with different means" which was coined by the Prussian general and military theorist Carl von Clausewitz in the 19th century. On the eve of the First World War, he described a legitimate political course of action available to those in power.
 
The dreadful face of war
 
And it wasn't just for them. Many urban citizens and even artists and intellectuals in the German Empire were in favor of war in 1914, because they expected to be cleansed by it: "War! It was purification, liberation, what we felt was an immense hope," Thomas Mann wrote about the start of war. Mann would later go on to win the Nobel Prize for Literature.
 
Such thinking might sound naïve to us today, but at the time they had yet to experience millions of dead people in trenches, mentally wounded "shell-shocked" soldiers and brutally mutilated gas victims.
 
Because we know the awful face of war all too well today, we can hardly imagine that European countries decided to stop negotiations and - as they did in 1914 - to recklessly plunge into war. At the beginning of the 20th century, militarism was deeply rooted in European societies; especially in German society.
 
Today, in the Federal Republic of Germany, this is no longer the case. On the contrary: Since Germany abolished its compulsory military service in 2011, the military is having a difficult time recruiting young soldiers.
 
Europe's long road to peace
 
Most of those participating in talks ahead of World War I were older, aristocratic men with military backgrounds. Today's democratically elected European governments represent very different groups in society: Young and old, men and women. In 1914, women weren't even allowed to vote - today, a mother of seven leads the German Defense Ministry.
 
Indeed, they are similarities between 1914 and 2014. But a lot has happened since then. Germany and its neighbors have learned from history and now stand for democracy and freedom of speech. Former enemies have become friends - friends who argue but friends nevertheless - who shape politics in democratic institutions such as EU and UN. That of course doesn't always go smoothly, but it's still a lot better compared to 1914 when EU and UN didn't even exist.
 
It's not war, but reconciliation, understanding and negotiations that can secure lasting peace. That's a consensus for us today, and Europe has come a long way to reach it.
 
We shouldn't forget this. Because 2014 isn't just the anniversary of the beginning of WWI, but also of the start of WWII (1939), the fall of the Wall (1989) and the EU enlargement to the east (2004). How once hostile countries were able to fulfill the vision of a joint Europe is the European success story of the 20th century.
 
 

DW.DE
 
 
 
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Komentar: Prvi svetski rat - tako blizu, a tako daleko / "Deutsche Welle" January 13, 2014

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Deutsche Welle
Suzane Šprer, DW
January 13, 2014

Sto godina od početka Prvog svetskog rata: brojni mediji povlače paralelu između 1914. i 2014. godine. Paralele postoje, ali, zar nisu razlike mnogo važnije, pita se u svom komentaru Suzane Šprer.

Suzane Šprer, DW

 
Rovovi i gas-maske, kacige sa šiljcima na vrhu i propagandni leci… Već nedeljama dnevni listovi, magazini i internet-portali pišu o 2014. godini.
 
Naime, pre sto godina počeo je Prvi svetski rat.
Često se pri tom govori da situacija u današnjem svetu isuviše liči na stanje koje je vladalo 1914. godine. Govori se o „neverovatnoj aktuelnosti Prvog svetskog rata“, „prošlosti koja nikada ne prolazi“ ili „katastrofalnom ehu Velikog rata“.
 
I tačno je: zaista postoje paralele između 1914. i 2014.
 
I tada su ljudi gledali u budućnost koja je donosila brze promene, budućnost sa novim transportnim sredstvima (poput automobila), novim medijima (film) i novim sredstvima komunikacije (telefon). Bilo je to vreme verovanja u modernost, pokretljivosti, vreme prvog talasa globalizacije, međunarodnih putovanja. Bio je to prvi pogled u budućnost koju su ljudi želeli da organizuju na osnovu sopstvenih potreba. I to sredstvima koja su im u to vreme stojala na raspolaganju. Ipak to nisu današnja sredstva.
 
Doduše, baš kao tada srpski nacionalisti, i danas se separatisti u Evropi bore za nezavisnost. Katalonci u Španiji na primer, ili Severni Irci u Velikoj Britaniji. Međutim, u najvećem broju slučajeva, oni to ne čine više nasilnim putem, već argumentima.
 
Terorizam nekada i sada
 
I baš kao i zaverenici iz Sarajeva, i danas postoje ljudi koji ideološki zaslepljeni odlaze u smrt za esktremističke ciljeve: organizatori napada 11. septembra ili bombaši-samoubice koji skoro svakodnevno u Bagdadu odlaze u smrt zajedno sa nedužnima.
 
Ipak, takva dela međunarodna zajednica danas prezire, baš kao i izreku da je rat „nastavak politike drugim sredstvima“. To je u 19. veku formulisao pruski general i vojni teoretičar Karl fon Klauzevic. U predvečerje Prvog svetskog rata tako je opisivana legitimna politička mogućnost delovanja za tadašnje vlastodršce.
 
Strašno lice rata
 
I ne samo za njih: brojni građani, čak i brojni umetnici i intelektualci u Nemačkom rajhu zagovarali su 1914. godine rat kojim se obećavalo čišćenje ljudi: „Rat! Bilo je to čišćenje, oslobađanje koje smo osećali – ogromna nada“, napisao je o početku rata Tomas Man, koji će kasnije dobiti Nobelovu nagradu za književnost. To nama danas može da izgleda naivno, ali milioni mrtvih u rovovima, psihičke rane, zastrašujuće unakažene žrtve gasa – sve to je 1914. tek predstojalo.
 
S obzirom na činjenicu da mi danas i suviše dobro poznajemo strašno lice rata, teško je zamislivo da evropske države ponovo odustanu od pregovora i da bi – kao 1914. godine – lakomisleno mogle da skliznu u rat. Militarizam je početkom 20. veka u evropskim društvima bio duboko ukorenjen, naročito u nemačkom. U današnjoj Saveznoj Republici Nemačkoj to više ne može da se oseti. Naprotiv: od ukidanja obaveznog služenja vojnog roka 2011. godine, Bundesver ima velike probleme da regrutuje novajlije u vojsku.
 
Dug evropski put
 
I dok su oni koji su pregovarali u predvečerje Prvog svetskog rata bili sve sami stari plemići sa vojnom pozadinom, današnji predstavnici demokratski izabranih evropskih vlada predstavljaju različite društvene grupe. Među njima su stariji i mlađi ljudi, muškarci i žene. Godine 1914. žene još uvek nisu smele da izlaze na izbore, danas je jedna žena, koja ima sedmoro dece, na čelu nemačkog Ministarstva odbrane.
 
Da, postoje paralele između 1914. i 2014. godine, ali od tada se mnogo toga dogodilo! Nemačka i njeni susedi nešto su naučili iz istorije, danas se zalažu za demokratiju i slobodu mišljenja. Od nekadašnjih ratnih protivnika postali su prijatelji – prijatelji koji se prepiru, ali prijatelji koji u zajedničkim institucijama poput Evropske unije ili Ujedinjenih nacija sprovode politiku na osnovu demokratskih pravila. Ne rat, već samo pomirenje, razumevanje i pregovori mogu dugoročno da osiguraju mir. To je danas konsenzus i za to je Evropa prešla dug put.

To ne bi trebalo da zaboravimo. Jer 2014. ne obeležava se samo početak Prvog svetskog rata, već i izbijanje Drugog svetskog rata (1939.), pad Berlinskog zida (1989.) i proširenje Evropske unije na istočne granice Europe (2004). To kako su nekada zavađene države uspele da ostvare viziju ujedinjene Evrope, jedna najuspešnija evropska priča u 20. veku.

Veliki rat: Srbija „dokazuje“ nevinost


Nemački mediji komentarišu srpsko viđenje pisma koje je Oskar Poćorek poslao u Beč, godinu dana pre Sarajevskog atentata. To pismo se u Beogradu vidi kao dokaz nevinosti, ali mu se učitavaju značenja koja ne sadrži. (08.01.2014)
http://www.dw.de/veliki-rat-srbija-dokazuje-nevinost/a-17347457

Komentar: Suzane Šprer
Odgovorni urednik: Ivan Đerković


http://www.dw.de/prvi-svetski-rat-tako-blizu-a-tako-daleko/a-17358071?maca=ser-serbian_all-2277-rdf

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Germany yet to plan official WWI events / "The Local - Germany's News in English" January 13, 2014

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The Local - Germany's News in English
Louise Osborne
January 13, 2014

As most of Europe readies itself to commemorate a century following the start of World War I, the German government has, as yet, no plans to organize an event to remember the Great War.

German troops cross the French border in summer 1914. Photo: DPA
 
The government said it was not planning any large public ceremonies of national remembrance, but would give some financial backing to some events throughout the year.

"There are an abundance of civil society and international events," said Martin Schäfer, spokesman for Germany's foreign office, during a press conference on Wednesday. "We see our role very strongly as encouragement, support and co-ordination, where there is a wish for us to do so."

This year marks 100 years since the start of World War I, which began on July 28th, 1914, and lasted until November 11th, 1918.

The war saw the Allies, including the UK, France and Russia, fighting against the Central Powers of Germany and Austria-Hungary, resulting in more than 37 million casualties.

Although there is much debate over the start of World War I, Germany has been largely blamed for the outbreak of war and as a result has been closely scrutinized over its plans for the 100-year anniversary.

But Schäfer pointed out that the centenary was not solely a German occasion, although it had "a lot to do with Germany".

"What went massively wrong in 1914 also had a lot to do with Europe," he added.

Chancellor Angela Merkel’s spokesman Steffen Seibert said there were a number of activities and events that would be taking place throughout the year, some which are being supported by the German government, such as an exhibition called "1914 – 100 years afterwards" at the German Historical Institute in Berlin.

Seibert told the press conference that in Germany memorial events had a tradition of being organized by civil society and at a local rather than a national level.

Meanwhile, Schäfer said that while the foreign ministry was not involved in the organization of any event involving President Joachim Gauck, Chancellor Merkel or Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier, it was still too early for the government to make concrete statements about events occurring in the second half of the year, considering the government had not even been in place for three weeks.

However, a spokeswoman for President Gauck's office confirmed that he would be attending events outside of Germany including a commemoration of the victims of World War I with French President François Hollande in eastern France on August 3rd and a joint British-German memorial ceremony at the St Symphorien military cemetery close to Mons, in Belgium on August 4th.

He will also attend an event on September 23rd in Berlin on the meaning of memorials.

The German War Graves Commission is also supporting a number of events that will take place throughout the year.

As well as being a big anniversary for the beginning of World War I, 2014 also marks other important points in German history. This year marks 75 years since the outbreak of World War II and 25 years since the fall of the Berlin Wall.


Louise Osborne

http://www.thelocal.de/20140113/german-government-no-plans-to-commemorate-world-war-I

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Royal misfit who caused The Great War / "Express - UK" February 1, 2014

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Express - UK
Simon Edge
February 1, 2014

IN MARCH 1863 the crowned heads of Europe gathered at St George's Chapel in Windsor for the wedding of Queen Victoria's eldest son Bertie, Prince of Wales.

INSECURE: This portrait of Wilhelm as a boy showed his withered arm - hidden in later pictures [BBC]
 
He was marrying the ravishingly pretty Princess Alexandra, whose father would soon become King Christian IX of Denmark and whose brother was about to be named King George I of Greece.

The Princess Diana of her day, Alexandra was already wildly popular with the British public and it was a dazzling ceremonial occasion.

The event also marked the first public appearance in Britain of the Queen's eldest grandson, four-year old Prince Wilhelm of Prussia. His mother was Victoria's eldest daughter Vicky while his father Crown Prince Friedrich Wilhelm (known as Fritz) was heir to the Prussian throne.

Little Wilhelm was a page boy at the wedding but he did not acquit himself well. He was dressed in Highland costume, complete with kilt and toy dagger. When he became restless during the ceremony his uncle the 18-year old Duke of Edinburgh told him to be quiet. At that point the defiant child drew his blade, threatened his uncle with it then bit him on the leg.

As a new two-part BBC documentary explains, it was to be the beginning of a long, tortured relationship between the future Kaiser of Germany and his British family that would help drag Europe into the abyss and cost 10 million lives in the First World War.

Wilhelm was born in January 1859 in a traumatic breech delivery that left him with a withered left arm. Disability was a badge of shame in fiercely militaristic Prussia and the boy was subjected to grotesque treatments in various bids to "cure" him. His right arm was strapped to his body in a vain attempt to force him to use the other one. When the imbalance in his neck muscles made his head twist, he was strapped into another restrictive machine.

As a result he grew up insecure and resentful, particularly against his English mother, whose obsession with his damaged arm reinforced his sense of inferiority.

For her part, the intelligent, highly educated Vicky had been married at 17 in an attempt by Queen Victoria and her husband Prince Albert, whose father had ruled the small German state of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha, to rescue Prussia from the excesses of German militarism. On the assumption Germany would soon be unified under Prussian leadership Vicky's job was to make sure the country became liberal and pro-British.

Her husband Fritz was a kindred spirit but their ideas were out of synch with the prevailing mood in Berlin. In 1862 the arch-conservative Otto von Bismarck became prime minister. Under his influence Prussia seized the Danish territory of Schleswig-Holstein, crushed the smaller German states and defeated Austria and France, achieving German unification by 1871.

FAMILY TIES: Queen Victoria with daughter Vicky, with the princes and Wilhem standing behind [BBC]
 
"The creation of the united Germany totally threatened the European balance of power simply because of the number of Germans, their strategic positioning in the middle of Europe and the fact that Germany had the most vibrant economy," says Professor Dominic Lieven of the London School of Economics. "In many ways it created in the middle of Europe a country which could potentially dominate the continent."
 
Within the new Germany Vicky was sidelined. "You cannot think how painful it is to be continually surrounded by people who think your very existence a misfortune," she wrote to her mother.
 
By this time her eldest son, who wore his withered hand in a glove and felt unloved by his mother because of it, had become fiercely hostile to everything his parents represented.
 
As Vicky wrote to Queen Victoria: "Willy is chauvinistic and ultra-Prussian to a degree and with a violence which is often very painful to me. He is turning into the archetypal Potsdam lieutenant with that evil admixture of a very loud mouth and a chauvinist's hatred and ignorance of all things foreign."
 
He was doomed to be the outsider among his European extended family. Princess Alexandra and her sister Minnie, whose husband would become Tsar Alexander III of Russia, spent idyllic summers at their father's summer home outside Copenhagen with uncles and aunts from across the continent.
 
Here Alexandra's son, the future George V, first met his Russian cousin Nicholas, the future Tsar who would die in the Bolshevik Revolution. Many other guests from the minor royal houses were also invited but the one relative who never came was Vicky's son Wilhelm. As a Prussian he was not welcome in humiliated Denmark.

To offset this exclusion he developed the habit of muscling into occasions, even at the expense of protocol. In 1887 he announced his intention to attend Queen Victoria's Golden Jubilee as Germany's representative, effectively leap-frogging his parents. The Queen was outraged at this discourtesy to her daughter and son-in-law and made it clear that they should be the senior German representatives instead. This simply fuelled Wilhelm's resentment. "It's high time that old woman died. One cannot have enough hatred for England," he wrote.

His grandfather died the following year. Fritz became Kaiser but he was suffering from throat cancer and died after just 99 days on the throne, which meant that the erratic, emotionally unstable Wilhelm now had absolute power at the age of 29.
 
 
 
 
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German Wartime Documents Now in English [The Armenian Genocide of WWI ] / "The Armenian Mirror-Spectator" January 23, 2014

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The Armenian Mirror-Spectator
By Muriel Mirak-Weissbach
January 23, 2014

Special to the Mirror-Spectator

HAMBURG — Who was responsible for the Armenian Genocide? The ready answer is the Young Turk leadership, and that is on the mark. But there is more to the story. The Genocide took place in the context of the First World War, whose centenary is being commemorated this year, a war which saw Ottoman Turkey allied with Imperial Germany. It stands to reason that documentary material from official German sources can provide special insight into the actual campaign of deportations and mass murder, because, as allies, the Germans were privy to information that others did not have.

German researcher and historian Wolfgang Gust

The richest source of information is to be found in the German Foreign Ministry archives during the war. German researcher and historian Wolfgang Gust compiled a critical edition of key documents in German in 2005, and his groundbreaking research has been translated into several other languages. Now it is finally available in English. (See release.) I had the opportunity to talk to Gust about his new book and to learn more about the background and special relevance it has today. Wolfgang Gust was active for decades with the leading German weekly Der Spiegel, including seven years as head of the Paris office and later work as editor of Spiegel books. It was during his stay in Paris that he first read about the Armenian Genocide in a book by Jacques von Alexanian, Le ciel était noir sur l’Euphrat, and began research on the subject. Following a series in Spiegel in 1991 on Karabagh, he published his first book on the subject (1993), which drew largely on existing research in French, German and other sources. There was relatively little original work in German, so he was breaking new ground when he went to the official German government sources and in 2005 issued a selection of 240 of the most important documents. It is this volume which is now available in the US.

The fact that it is in English is “most important,” he told me, “because English is the international language” which most scholars can read. And, he quipped, although American and British historians have a very good reputation, they are not noted for their foreign language capabilities… As for the substance of the work, the significance lies in the documents themselves, “which are the most important non-Turkish documents because Germany was one of the Great Powers in the war.” Diplomatic personnel, both the Ambassador and various consuls in Turkey, as well as members of the numerous Christian missions, reported at length on what they could observe on the ground. Although, he noted, the Americans and British may have had more information about the Committee of Union and Progress, they did not have facts about the massacres. Or if they did — for instance Ambassador Morgenthau’s reports — they did not have the same access to safe, encoded channels of communication that the Germans, as allies, had.

What then did the Germans know? And what did they do? Were they co-responsible? Or were they even, as some Turkish and other researchers have suggested, the prime movers for genocide? Was “German militarism” the culprit? Gust has explored this aspect in great depth and has concluded that there were varying levels of knowledge and different modes of response. He pointed out, for example, that lower level officers on the ground had more access to knowledge about the deportations and killings than the higher level General Staff. There were those who knew about the massacres and supported them, Gust said: “like First Lieutenant Böttrich, who was the German officer responsible for the Ottoman railways, and therefore for the Armenians working on the Baghdad railway project. He personally signed deportation orders, which were death warrants.” Or there was Eberhard Graf Wolffskeel von Reichenberg, a German artillery and General Staff officer, who not only witnessed killings in Zeitun and Urfa, “but also shot them himself.” At the same time there were some German officers who protected Armenians, and due to German intervention they were not deported en masse from Smyrna and Constantinople. As for the diplomats, the consuls, they “were on the side of the Armenians, not the Turks,” Gust said, “but since they were officially German representatives they had to be careful about what they said.” Notwithstanding, “in their internal reports they spoke openly of massacres; deputy consul Hermann Hoffmann-Völkersamb from Alexandrette, for example, and Max Erwin von Scheubner-Richter from Erzerum,” who gave detailed accounts.

There are many historians who have stressed the role of German militarism, among them Sean McMeekin. In his book, The Berlin-Baghdad Express, he highlights the role of Max Baron von Oppenheim and his nationalist propaganda. “But,” Gust explained, “Oppenheim was merely a propagandist, not a representative of German policy.” German militarism, in Gust’s view, “does play a role, in that it was the military that the Turks wanted as allies. And German policy was influenced by the military.” But this was not what motivated the Genocide. Gust also points out that, contrary to the idea current among some historians, it was not the Germans who forced the Young Turks into the alliance. Rather, as the archives show, “Turkey wanted Germany as an ally because they were convinced that Germany would win the war and they had plans for conquering the Caucasus.” They even insisted on guarantees that, in the event of victory, they would have a border with a Muslim state.

A frequent argument put forward in particular by those who deny the Genocide is that the Armenians constituted a military threat to Turkey and that they had to organize the deportations, during which Armenians perished. In further research conducted over the past two years, Gust has unearthed crucial evidence to refute this notion and has published it on www.armenocide.net. Here he has focused on surviving military documents from the Supreme Headquarters, documents by foreign ministry representatives who always reported what they heard from military. “I have found nothing — nothing,” he repeated, “referring to the Armenians as a ‘danger’ or as ‘preparing a rebellion.’ From 1,000 documents, stretching to the end of 1916, there is not one such reference.”

There may have been, he said, some German military in Constantinople who were influenced by Turkish allegations of such activity, but the absence of any reference in these documents “is important, because the military dominated in Germany: if the Armenian issue did not exist for the German military,” he reasoned, “then it was not part of German policy.” As the new research confirms, Germany’s military aims concerned the Suez Canal (which they tried to block but failed), but not the Middle East. For Germany, France and Belgium were important, and for economic reasons. Russia was important, “and therefore they hoped to use Turkey in a war against Russia, to open a second front.” The German military in Berlin were for the war, but were neither for nor against the Armenians.

In serious historical research, it is the primary sources which count, not ideological leanings or political opportunism. This first English edition of the German wartime documents will shed new light on the fate the Armenians suffered in that conflict. When I asked Gust who the likely readers would be, he said he thought that Armenians above all would be interested in the book, not only specialists but also students in Turcology and genocide studies. Most important for those involved in genocide studies are “the direct quotations from Young Turk leaders Enver and Talaat which show they planned the Genocide.”


http://www.mirrorspectator.com/2014/01/23/german-wartime-documents-now-in-english/


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BORIS BEGOVIĆ: NAŠ ODNOS PREMA 1914. / "Novi Standard" January 23, 2014

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Novi Standard
BORIS BEGOVIĆ
January 23, 2014
Izvor Politika, 22. 01. 2014.

Vratimo se u sadašnjost da vidimo da li je Bogdan Tirnanić bio u pravu

Boris Begović

Februara davne 1993. godine odigrao se prvi teroristički napad na Svetski trgovinski centar u Njujorku. Odmah posle napada, u javnosti, svetskoj i domaćoj, počele su spekulacije o mogućim učiniocima – ni mi nismo bili pošteđeni, uzimajući u obzir tadašnji rat u Bosni i zategnute odnose sa SAD. Jedno od najvećih srpski novinarskih pera, Bogdan Tirnanić, tada je napisao (citiram po sećanju): „Čim sam čuo da je FBI objavio da je ovaj napad bio brižljivo planiran, znao sam da Srbi u njega nisu bili uključeni. Nama više priliči napad na ambasadu SAD kakav se odigrao pre par večeri.” Tada je, naime, neki povratnik sa ratišta u pola noći, kada nikoga živog nije bilo u bilo u okolini, bacio kašikaru na tablu na ambasadi SAD – bez bilo kakvih žrtava, odnosno bez ikakvih ozbiljnih posledica. I bez ikakvog osmišljavanja, planiranja ili truda.

Vratimo se u sadašnjost da vidimo da li je Bogdan Tirnanić bio u pravu? Neposredno posle Nove godine održana je konferencija za štampu na kojoj je direktor Arhiva Srbije Miroslav Perišić javnosti predstavio arhivski dokument – pismo Oskara Poćoreka iz maja 1913. godine u kome tadašnji guverner (austrougarske) Bosne i Hercegovine piše o potrebi pripremanja za veliki rat. Kako navodi Tanjug, ovo pismo je već objavljeno 1928. godine u listu „Večernja pošta“ u Sarajevu, a njegov prepis „čuva se danas u Arhivu Srbije, dok se za originalom još uvek traga”. Dakle, da rekapituliramo: niti je pronađen original dokumenta, niti je taj dokument nepoznat, niti se radi o pismu nekoga ko je bio u vrhu austrougarske piramide moći, ko je odlučivao o pitanjima rata sa Srbijom. Savremena svetska istoriografija navodi obilje dokaza u prilog tezi o ratobornosti Austrougarske prema Srbiji, i to dokaza koji su u vezi sa samim vrhom piramide moći u toj državi: car, prestolonaslednik, načelnik generalštaba i ministar spoljnih poslova – ne za guvernere provincija! Neki od tih autora (poput Kristofera Klarka, na primer) za takvo ponašanje Austrougarske imaju razumevanje, ali ne spore njegovo postojanje.

Zbog čega je onda organizovana ova konferencija za štampu? Sudeći po nastupima učesnika konferencije (uključujući Emira Kusturicu), zato da bi se skinula odgovornost Srbije za izbijanje Prvog svetskog rata, odnosno odagnala krivica koju Srbiji u tom pogledu nameću neka dela savremene svetske istoriografije. Da li se u tome uspelo? Smatram da se to ne čini obnarodovanjem kopije jednog arhivskog dokumenta, propraćeno sa nekoliko efektnih rečenica. To se čini dugogodišnjim mukotrpnim, dobro planiranim i osmišljenim naučnim radom, objavljivanjem knjiga i njihovim prevođenjem na svetske jezike, objavljivanjem članaka u priznatim međunarodnim časopisima, organizovanjem međunarodnih konferencija na koje se pozivaju i oni koji drukčije misle (bez obzira na to koje su im namere), pisanjem kolumni u svetskim dnevnicima. Šta smo dobili od svega toga u vreme obeležavanja stogodišnjice Sarajevskog atentata? Gotovo ništa.

I dalje je glavna knjiga o atentatu „Sarajevo 1914“ Vladimira Dedijera, objavljena pre ravno 50 godina (i tada je bio jubilej). I dalje je najvažnija knjiga o Srbiji u Prvom svetskom ratu ona Andreja Mitrovića (objavljena pre 30 godina). A znalo se, odavno, da će 2014. biti stogodišnjica Sarajevskog atentata i početka Prvog svetskog rata i moglo se pretpostaviti da će to biti povod za mnogobrojne nove knjige u svetu na tu temu. Naš odgovor sveo se na obnarodovanje jednog arhivskog dokumenta.

Izgleda da sve ovo pokazuje našu odbojnost prema mukotrpnom radu i odricanju, prema postojanosti postavljanih ciljeva, prema detaljnom i dugoročnom planiranju („razmišljanju unapred“), prema ozbiljnim pripremama i prema privrženosti postavljenom cilju i njegovoj realizaciji. Umesto toga, skloni smo lakim rešenjima – čarobnim štapićima koji će nas u trenutku osloboditi svih naših muka i nezadovoljstava i koji će nas učiniti bogatim, priznatim, poštovanim i voljenim. Nezavisno od toga da li je čarobni štapić arhivski dokument ili „Beograd na vodi“.

Da ne bi bilo nesporazuma, smatram da je Gavrilo Princip bio idealista i borac za slobodu. Smatram da je ono što je on učinio herojski čin, koji je doveo do ujedinjenja srpskog naroda – kako je srpska politička elita tog vremena tu priliku realizovala, drugo je pitanje. Smatram da je Mlada Bosna bila slobodarska, a ne teroristička organizacija. A sve mi se više čini da svi mi koji tako gledamo na Sarajevski atentat sto godina kasnije nismo uspeli da ih odbranimo. Zbog čega?


Boris Begović

Izvor Politika, 22. 01. 2014.

http://www.standard.rs/boris-begovic-nas-odnos-prema-1914.html


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If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at heroesofserbia@yahoo.com


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