Quantcast
Channel: Heroes of Serbia - Memory Eternal
Viewing all 774 articles
Browse latest View live

Gavrilo Princip: Hero or Villain? As Balkan countries prepare to mark the start of the First World War, history books show widely different interpretations / "The Guardian" May 6, 2014

$
0
0
The Guardian
Denis Dzidic, Marija Ristic, Milka Domanovic, Josip Ivanovic, Edona Peci and Sinisa Jakov Marusic in Sarajevo, Belgrade, Zagreb, Pristina and Skopje.
May 6, 2014

Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria and his wife, Sophie,
moments before they were shot by Gavrilo Princip In Sarajevo
in June 1914 – triggering the first world war.
Photograph: Universal History Archive/UIG via Getty Images.
 
"Those people were terrorists – Gavrilo Princip and the rest of them," said Salih Mehmedovic, standing at the spot by the Latin Bridge in central Sarajevo where the young Bosnian Serb shot dead Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria-Hungary 100 years ago.

Mehmedovic, a Bosniak, said he had no doubt that Serbia was responsible for the murder.

"They did what they did on the orders of Serbia. We should blame Serbia for the war," he insisted.

As Balkan countries prepare to mark the centenary of the outbreak of the first world war this summer, each is teaching its children a different interpretation of the killing that triggered the conflict.

Princip is portrayed in the history books of the various countries of former Yugoslavia either as a terrorist or as a rebel with a cause – refecting contemporary divisions in a region still recovering from the more recent conflicts of the 1990s.

While they were part of Yugoslavia, children in all these countries were taught the same history. Now they all have their own versions of the truth, shaped by the more recent wars, and are passing it on to the next generation.

"There used to be only one discourse about World War I while the country was still Yugoslavia," said Nenad Sebek, executive director of the Centre for Democracy and Reconciliation in Southeast Europe, which has analysed school textbooks in the region. "That country disappeared 23 years ago and the discourse disappeared with it, because the new countries that came out of the former Yugoslavia had different perceptions of the past. Now the past is being adjusted to fit whatever discourse the ruling elites in these countries want at the present moment."

In ethnically divided Bosnia and Herzegovina, there is no commonly held view either about Princip or about the origins of the first world war.

Different interpretation

Bosnian Serb children are taught a different interpretation than Bosniaks and Croats, for whom Princip was a Belgrade-backed political assassin. For Bosnian Serbs, the murder was merely a pretext for Austria-Hungary and Germany to attack Serbia.

These divisions are also reflected in the rival commemorations that will be held in Bosnia. A series of events will be held in Sarajevo, including exhibitions, concerts and a meeting of young peace activists from around the world.

Bosnian Serbs will hold their own events in the eastern town of Visegrad, organised by film director Emir Kusturica, while a statue of Princip is due to be erected in Serb-run eastern Sarajevo.

In mainly Bosniak areas, such as Sarajevo, the Bihac region in the north-west and the central Zenica-Doboj area, school textbooks highlight Princip's links to Serbia. The Sarajevo textbook says that Princip's group, Young Bosnia, was "supported by secret organisations from Serbia", while the Bihac textbook states more directly that the plotters were "supported by Serbia". The textbook for Zenica describes Young Bosnia as a "terrorist organisation".

The history book used by Bosnian Croat pupils also describes Young Bosnia as a "terrorist" group. But in the Serb-dominated Republika Srpska entity, Young Bosnia is simply described as an "organisation" and textbooks stress that Austria-Hungary "used" Franz Ferdinand's assassination "to blame Serbia" and declare war on the country.

Unsurprisingly, this description of the war's outbreak is similar to the one contained in textbooks used in Serbia itself.

Zeljko Vujadinovic, a history professor from Banja Luka in Republika Srpska, said that in Bosnia, "what we are looking at is the current political mind-set transferred to the past".

Suggestions that Young Bosnia was a "pre-WWI al-Qaida" were a result of the 1990s conflict, he insisted.

Worldwide events

"The characterisation of Young Bosnia and Princip as terrorists is an attempt to place the blame for huge worldwide events on 'Serbian territorial expansion policies', which is evidently flawed," Vujadinovic said.

Zijad Sehic, a Sarajevo history professor, agreed that the past had been redrawn in the aftermath of the 1992-95 conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

It was only since the fall of Yugoslavia that Princip has been described as a Serbian nationalist rather than as a fighter for Yugoslav unity, he said. "Now that there is no more Yugoslavia, his actions are being viewed more narrowly and he has been reborn as a Serbian hero."

A new monument to Princip is also due to go up in the Serbian capital, Belgrade, where children are taught that he was struggling for a just cause. Serbia will be minting a silver coin with his face on it to mark the centenary, and the government will stage exhibitions.

The Serbian Orthodox church meanwhile has proclaimed the assassin a national hero. "Gavrilo Princip was just defending his freedom and his people," a leading cleric, Metropolitan Amfilohije, said recently. "In Serbia, there is still the old narrative from the former Yugoslavia, which says that the first world war happened because there was this great hero called Gavrilo Princip," Sebek said.

"He assassinated the Archduke Franz Ferdinand, who was the personification of the occupying forces of Austria-Hungary, and then Austria-Hungary and the German empire invaded Serbia, and the brave Serbs struggled and suffered during the war but were on the right side."

On Gavrilo Princip Street in Belgrade, many people insisted that Serbia did not cause the 1914-18 war.

"Serbia was exhausted after two Balkan wars [in 1912-13] and didn't want war in 1914. The Great War was a result of the imperial aspirations of Austria-Hungary and Germany," said Aleksandar Dasic, a web editor.

Jelena Cebic, a salesperson, said: "The blame for World War I should be on Austria-Hungary and its imperial desire to capture the whole of the Balkans for its empire. Serbia should not take any blame for Princip."

Serbian school textbooks maintain that the overall cause of World War I was "the fight between the big powers for economic control and domination of Europe".

The seventh-grade textbook says that Austria-Hungary "used" the Sarajevo assassination as an excuse for a "long-desired" war against Serbia, "even though the Serbian government was not responsible for the assassination".

The Sarajevo assassin is described simply as "a young Serb from Bosnia".

"Princip was part of the Young Bosnia movement and he believed that assassinations and personal sacrifices could change Austro-Hungarian policies towards the Serbs and other South Slavs," the book says.

A chapter is devoted to Serbia and Montenegro's heroic victories during the conflict, while Austria-Hungary's alleged war crimes against Serbs are given prominence.

"The Austrian army committed horrific war crimes against Serbian civilians," the textbook says, detailing mass detentions in camps, the burning of villages, the torture of civilians and the banning of Serbian national symbols and the Cyrillic script.

But Dubravka Stojanovic, a professor at Belgrade University, argued that the history of the war is taught in Serbia "in the context of national myth and the interpretation of Serbia as a nation that sacrificed itself".

Princip had been used as a tool to promote the ruling ideology, Stojanovic said.

"During the era of [former leader Slobodan] Milosevic, the caption under Princip's image [in textbooks] said 'Serbian hero'," she said.

"It is not like that anymore - but it is written that he was a Serbian nationalist, although he said himself that he was a Yugoslav nationalist," she concluded. Schools in Croatia teach that Serbia was to blame for helping to spark the 1914-18 conflict, by seeking to expand its territory and supporting a terrorist. Croatian history textbooks maintain that Serbia was one of the countries responsible for the outbreak of first world war.

Territorial expansion

While acknowledging that Austro-Hungary wanted to secure control over south-eastern Europe, the fourth-grade secondary-school textbook says that Serbia "sought territorial expansion over areas that were under Ottoman rule up until the [1912-1913] Balkan wars, and was unsettled with the Austro-Hungarian annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, due to Serbian territorial pretentions towards Bosnia and Herzegovina".

It describes Young Bosnia as a group that carried out "illegal terrorist actions" and favoured Serbia taking control of Bosnia and Herzegovina with a view to creating a "Greater Serbia".

"A secret organisation named 'Unification or Death' [also known under the name of the Black Hand] was formed in Serbia in 1911, with the mission of achieving Greater Serbian aims through terrorist activities," it says.

"The aim of the organisation, defined in its constitution, was the 'unification of Serbs'," it adds.

Historian Martin Previsic argued that the idea of a plan to create a Greater Serbia is a theme that runs through Croatian textbooks, beginning in the 19th century, stretching through both world wars and on into the history of the former Yugoslavia. "That line leads also to 1991 and the 'Homeland war' [against Serb forces in 1991-95]," he said.

Some parents in King Tomislav Square in Zagreb were not so sure Serbia was to blame. "The idea of liberation from the Austro-Hungarian empire was legitimate, although it is still hard to see Gavrilo Princip as a hero," said one, Drazenka Kosic.

Parents in the capital Pristina, with recent memories of Belgrade's violent repression of Kosovo Albanians, insisted that Serbian aggression was definitely a factor behind the outbreak of World War I.

"The whole world has suffered because of Serbia," said one Pristina local, Ajvaz Abazi.

"Serbia has harmed many people, as well as those from Kosovo, so naturally they give high importance to their own criminals [like Princip]," said another, Xhevdet Hoxha.

But Kosovo's schoolchildren are actually taught a version of history that still closely resembles the narrative in the old Yugoslav textbooks, in which Serbia is treated relatively sympathetically as a country trying to avoid a war.

The passages on WWI, written after the 1998-99 conflict between the Kosovo Liberation Army and Belgrade's forces, describe Princip as a "Serbian nationalist" rather than a Yugoslav one – but they do not accuse Serbia of responsibility for the conflict.

Austrian ultimatum

Describing the Austrian ultimatum to Serbia after Franz Ferdinand's murder, the textbook suggests that Belgrade had legitimate reasons for rejecting it.

"For Serbia, accepting such a request would mean losing its independence," it says.

Arben Arifi of the Kosovo Institute of History said there was a practical reason for the relatively benign interpretation of Serbia's role.

"The authors who wrote the history schoolbooks before and after independence are, more or less, the same," Arifi said.

But Shkelzen Gashi, a political scientist who specialises in history, argued that Kosovo schoolbooks are full of "inaccuracies, lies and falsifications, which very much increase suspicions amongst schoolchildren regarding Serbia".

"Serbia is not directly accused [of starting the war], but indirectly, by saying the war began because of the assassination of Franz Ferdinand committed by a member of this nationalistic Serbian organisation, Gavrilo Princip," Gashi said.

Macedonia accuses 'imperialist' great powers

Macedonian school textbooks describe the conflict as "the first world imperialist war" and focus on the division of Macedonian territory that followed. However, Macedonians blame neighbouring Bulgaria in particular for aggressive expansionism, not Serbia.

Macedonian historian Novica Veljanovski was also keen to exonerate Serbia. "It has been proven that the Serbian state had no intention or plan to kill the Archduke Franz Ferdinand," he explained. "Serbia cannot be blamed for the start of the war."

The Macedonian school textbook says Austria, Italy and Germany were the instigators, using the assassination by Princip's "secret revolutionary organisation" as a pretext.

"Austria-Hungary used this event to accuse Serbia of organising the assassination, sending an ultimatum to Belgrade with almost unacceptable terms," it says.

Bulgaria is accused of conducting an "expansionist policy" and of joining the war to "take the whole of Macedonia".

Many people in the capital Skopje also did not blame Belgrade for WWI.

"Why Serbia? No. Everyone knows that the assassination that [Princip] carried out was only used as an excuse to start the war," said one Skopje resident, Slavjan Radenski. "An entire country cannot be blamed for the actions of one man," said another, Milanka Malinova.

At the spot in Sarajevo where Franz Ferdinand was assassinated 100 years ago, some locals said they were not concerned about what pupils were taught about the first world war. "I don't know and I don't care," said Adnan Tepic. "We should just forget such a distant past."

Others argued that only the facts should be taught, without any bias. "We should teach children the fact that the assassination happened, but we should leave it to each individual to find their own interpretations for themselves," said Atija Masic.

As the centenary approaches, there is little hope that rival ethnic and political groups in the Balkans will find a shared view, said history professor Zijad Sehic. "We will never have agreement on this issue. The views are too far apart. There will never be a common truth."


This article was produced by the Balkan Investigative Reporting Network's Balkan Transitional Justice programme

http://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/may/06/gavrilo-princip-hero-villain-first-world-war-balkan-history


*****

If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at heroesofserbia@yahoo.com

*****

Republika Srpska - Otkriven spomenik ruskom caru Nikolaju Drugom u Banja Luci / June 21, 2014 / Откривен споменик руском цару Николају Другом у Бањалуци / Памятник Николаю II установят в столице Республики Сербской

$
0
0
Споменик руском Цару Николаjу II Романовом, великом пријатељу српског народа је данас постављен у Бања Луци June 21, 2014
Cлика преузета са "Facebook"стране Branko Ilic.
 
*****
 
Откривен споменик руском цару Николају Другом у Бањалуци
 
Vostok.rs
June 21, 2014
 
21.06.2014. - Пријатељске везе два народа
 
У главном граду Републике Српске, Бањалуци, свечано је откривен спомнеик руском цару, Николају Другом. Помоћник председника Руске Федерације Игор Шоголев је рекао да је споменик цару Николају Другом у Бањалуци први у историји овом руском цару који је подигнут на територији неке европске земље. "Одајемо признање председнику Републике Српске Милораду Додику за ту иницијативу и подршку коју је дао у реализацији пројекта. То је веома симболичан гест који подвлачи дугогодишње пријатељске везе између руског и српског народа у нашем свету, који нимало није једноставан", истакао је Шоголев.
 
 
Према његовим риечима, то је симбол пријатељства два народа, не само током претходних година, него и данас у 21. вијеку. Шоголев је истакао да се везе између Русије и Републике Српске, које се тичу економије и политике, развијају веома интензивно, те да Русија константо пружа подршку Српској у оквиру Савета безбедности.
 
 
Он је истакао да је председнику Додику рекао да се контакти између Русије и Српске реализују и стварају на вишем политичком нивоу. "Постоје одређени планови и договори и веома рачунамо с тим да ће се ти односи и везе развијати исто тако пријатељски и у потпуно међусобном разумевању", рекао је Шоголев.

"И данас смо искористили историјски повод да говоримо о учвршћивању наших веза и њиховом развоју у хуманитарној области. То остаје кроз векове, с тим да наша деца буду у стању да разумеу језик један другога, историју и да знају о међусобној умјетности. Да се наша дјеца након 10 и 100 година могу срести и дати једни другима подршку у нека тешка времена", каже Шоголев.


Споменик руском цару Николају Другом, који се налази на Булевару цара Душана у близини бањалучке Гимназије, освештао је Његово преосвештенство владика бањалучки Јефрем.

Пре церемоније откривања споменика служена је литургија у Храму Христа Спаситеља за настрадале у сукобима у Украјини, а ноћ пре је одржан концерт у Културном центру Бански двор, на којем су наступили уметници из Русије, као и Козачки хор.

 
Откривању споменика је присуствовао велики број званица: заменик министра културе РФ Григориј Ивлиев, председник Академије уметности РФ Зураб Церетели, председник Руског института за стратешке студије Леонид Решетњиков, амбасадор Руске Федерације у БиХ Александар Боцан-Харченко, председник УО Православне фондације "Василиј Велики"Константин Малофејев, помоћник председника РФ Игор Шчогољев, председник Републике Српске Милорад Додик, председник Народне скупштине Републике Српске Игор Радојичић и многе друге личности из јавног живота, као и многобројни грађани Бањалуке.

http://www.vostok.rs/index.php?option=btg_novosti&idnovost=61261#.U6XrQelOXIU

*****

RS: Otkriven spomenik ruskom caru Nikolaju Drugom

Vesti Online
Beta
June 21, 2014

Predsednik Republike Srpske Milorad Dodik i pomoćnik predsednika Ruske Federacije Igor Šogolev otkrili su danas u Banjaluci spomenik ruskom caru Nikolaju Drugom.

Milorad Dodik i Igor Šogolev na otkrivanju spomenika Nikolaju Drugom
Banja Luka June 21, 2014 Foto: SRNA
 
Otkrivanje spomenika Nikolaju Drugom je deo manifestacije obeležavanja stotinu godina od početka Prvog svetskog rata. Dodik je na svečanosti rekao da je otkrivanje spomenika prilika "da se srpski narod samo delimično oduži velikom caru, velikom ruskom narodu i državi za podršku koju je od njih dobijao u odlučujućim
danima".


On je izrazio zahvalnost ruskom narodu, ruskoj državi i ruskom predsedniku Vladimiru Putinu za, kako je kazao, podršku koju i u ovom vremenu daju srpskom narodu.

Spomenik ruskom caru Nikolaju Drugom postavljen je na Bulevaru cara Dušana u blizini banjalučke Gimnazije.

Otkrivanju spomenika, prisustvovali su predsednik Narodne skupštine Republike Srpske Igor Radojičić, ambasador Ruske Federacije u BiH Aleksandar Bocan-Harčenko, predsednik Fonda "Svetog Vasilija Velikog" Konstantin Malofejev, autor spomenika Zurab Sereteli, kao i neki od ministara u Vladi RS.

http://www.vesti-online.com/Vesti/Ex-YU/412980/RS-Otkriven-spomenik-ruskom-caru-Nikolaju-Drugom

*****

Dodik i Šogolev otkrili spomenik ruskom caru Nikolaju Drugom

RTRS.TV
June 21, 2014

Predsjednik Republike Srpske Milorad Dodik i pomoćnik predsjednika Ruske Federacije Igor Šogolev otkrili su danas u Banjaluci spomenik ruskom caru Nikolaju Drugom.

Predsjednik Dodik je na otkrivanju ovog spomenika istakao da je ovo prilika da se srpski narod samo djelimično oduži velikom caru, velikom ruskom narodu i državi, za podršku koju je od njih dobijao u odlučujućim danima, i podsjetio, da je ovo dio manifestacije obilježavanja 100 godina Velikog rata u kome su Srbi nesumnjivo bili najveći stradalnici. Napomenuo je da o tome svjedoče istorijske činjenice koje nisu pokleknule pod revizionizmom posljednjih dana koji bi da srpski narod stavi u kontekst krivice za taj rat, što je istorijska neistina.

"Srpski narod je branio svoju zemlju, a atentatom u Sarajevu branio je svoju slobodu", istakao je Dodik, i podsjetio, da je srpski narod jedini u istoriji koji je svoju slobodu branio sa teritorije druge zemlje.

"Srpski narod je vjerovao u to, zahvaljujući činjenici da je uvijek bio na pravoj istorijskoj strani radi boljeg, pravednijeg i humanijeg društva, i u Prvom i u Drugom svjetskom ratu", istakao je Dodik.

Predsjednik se zahvalio je Ruskoj Federaciji, kabinetu predsjednika, njegovom osoblju i svim ljudima u toj zemlji koji su donirali spomenik caru Nikolaju Drugom. "To je veliki dug, koji je srpski narod imao prema caru Nikolaju Drugom, jer nije napustio Srbiju na početku Velikog rata, koji je za Srbiju i Srbe bio jedan od najvećih gubilačkih perioda, u kojem smo izgubili gotovo pola naše nacije", rekao je Dodik.

On je izrazio zahvalnost ruskom narodu, ruskoj državi i predsjedniku Vladimiru Putinu za podršku koju daju srpskom narodu i u ovom vremenu.

Spomenik ruskom caru Nikolaju Drugom, koji se nalazi na Bulevaru cara Dušana u blizini banjalučke Gimnazije, osveštao je vladika banjalučki Јefrem, a Dodik i Šogolev položili su vijence na spomenik. Otkrivanju spomenika, prisustvovali su predsjednik NSRS Igor Radojičić, ambasador Ruske Federacije u BiH Aleksandar Bocan-Harčenko, predsjednik Fonda"Svetog Vasilija Velikog" Konstantin Malofejev, autor spomenika Zurab Sereteli, kao i ministarke sporta i omladine Nada Tešanović, građevinarstva i ekologije Srebrenka Golić, trgovine i turizma Maida Ibrišagić Hrstić, senatori Srpske Aleksa Buha i Јelena Guskova, direktor Republičkog centra za istraživanje rata i ratnih zločina Milorad Kojić, predsjednik BORS Pantelija Ćurguz, predsjednik Organizacije porodica zarobljenih, poginulih boraca i nestalih civila Nedeljko Mitrović, gradonačelnik Banjaluke Slobodan Gavranović, kao i mnogobrojni građani Banjaluke.

Saradnja Srpske i Ruske Federacije na najvišem nivou

Predsjednik Republike Srpske najavio je danas da će se krajem septembra sastati sa predsjednikom Rusije Vladimirom Putinom, ocijenivši da je saradnja Srpske i Ruske Federacije na najvišem nivou. "Očekuje me novi sastanak sa predsjednikom Rusije i tom prilikom analiziraćemo sve ono što smo dogovorili i uradili u ovom vremenu i trasirati neke nove projekte koji će omogućiti dalji razvoj naše saradnje na najvišem nivou", rekao je Dodik.

Dodik je naveo da je na sastanku sa ruskom delegacijom razgovarao o načinu kako proširiti saradnju Republike Srpske i Rusije u oblasti obrazovanja i kulture.

"Čuli smo odlične ideje i mogućnost da naši studenti, u okviru programa predsjednika, odlaze na školovanje na fakultete u Rusiju. Čuli smo i mogućnost da se putem akademije školuju određeni specijalizanti, kao i da ruska Pravoslavna gimnazija sarađuje sa školama u Srpskoj", istakao je Dodik.

On je naveo da će se pokušati sa realizacijom ovih mogućnosti, jer postoji uvjerenje da s obje strane postoji ogromna želja. "To je jedan od segmenata za koji smo zajedno konstatovali da je nedostajao, a odnosi se na činjenicu da u sferi kulture i obrazovanja saradnju između Ruske Federacije i Srpske moramo da podignemo na viši nivo", rekao je Dodik i dodao da je današnji događaj dio doprinosa tome.

Igor Šogolev rekao da je spomenik caru Nikolaju Drugom u Banjaluci prvi u istoriji ovom ruskom caru koji je podignut na teritoriji neke evropske zemlje. "Odajemo priznanje predsjedniku Republike Srpske Miloradu Dodiku za tu inicijativu i podršku koju je dao u realizaciji projekta. To je veoma simboličan gest koji podvlači dugogodišnje prijateljske veze između ruskog i srpskog naroda u našem svijetu, koji nimalo nije jednostavan", istakao je Šogolev.

Prema njegovim riječima, to je simbol prijateljstva dva naroda, ne samo tokom prethodnih godina, nego i danas u 21. vijeku. Šogolev je istakao da se veze između Rusije i Republike Srpske, koje se tiču ekonomije i politike, razvijaju veoma intenzivno, te da Rusija konstanto pruža podršku Srpskoj u okviru Savjeta bezbjednosti.

On je istakao da je predsjedniku Dodiku rekao da se kontakti između Rusije i Srpske realizuju i stvaraju na višem političkom nivou. "Postoje određeni planovi i dogovori i veoma računamo s tim da će se ti odnosi i veze razvijati isto tako prijateljski i u potpuno međusobnom razumijevanju", rekao je Šogolev.

"I danas smo iskoristili istorijski povod da govorimo o učvršćivanju naših veza i njihovom razvoju u humanitarnoj oblasti. To ostaje kroz vijekove, s tim da naša djeca budu u stanju da razumiju jezik jedan drugoga, istoriju i da znaju o međusobnoj umjetnosti. Da se naša djeca nakon 10 i 100 godina mogu sresti i dati jedni drugima podršku u neka teška vremena", kaže Šogolev.

http://lat.rtrs.tv/vijesti/vijest/dodik-i-sogolev-otkrili-spomenik-ruskom-caru-nikolaju-drugom-115111

*****

Памятник Николаю II установят в столице Республики Сербской

Московский Комсомолец [MK.ru]
June 21, 2014

В городе Баня-Лука появится скульптура Зураба Церетели

21 июня в столице Республики Сербской (Босния и Герцеговина) пройдет торжественное открытие памятника императору Николаю II, созданного известным художником-монументалистом, президентом Российской академии художеств, который также является послом Доброй Воли ЮНЕСКО, Зурабом Церетели. В церемонии, кроме самого автора, примут участие президент страны Милорад Додик, кинорежиссер Эмир Кустурица, помощник Президента России Игорь Щеголев и замминистра культуры РФ Григорий Ивлиев.


фото: rah.ru
 
«Пожалуй, из всех народов, живущих на земле, самым близким, самым родным для нас, русских, является народ сербский. Пожалуй, из всех народов, живущих на земле, самым близким, самым родным для нас, русских, является народ сербский. Нас объединяет живая вера во Христа, молитва друг о друге и общность судеб. Припомнив трагическую схожесть истории Сербии и России, начинаешь хорошо понимать всю глубину сокровенных духовных уз, которыми соединены наши народы-братья», - писал сербский священник Марьян Кнежевич. Эти строки свидетельствуют, как важны для Республики Сербской культурные и исторические связи с Россией. Не случайно на постаменте монумента упомянуто, что памятник воздвигнут при участие граждан города Баня-Лука. Открытие бронзового бюста русского императора в столице РС — действительно большое событие для города и страны, не менее оно значимо и для России. А приурочена установка монумента к 100-летию Первой мировой войны, которая началась как раз на Балканах. 11 июля 1914 года Австрия предъявила сербскому правительству ультиматум, и в тот же день Николай II получил от сербского королевича-регента Александра телеграмму: «Мы не можем защищаться. Посему молим Ваше Величество оказать нам помощь возможно скорее… Мы твердо надеемся, что этот призыв найдет отклик в Вашем славянском и благородном сердце». Через несколько дней после того, как Австрия объявила Сербии войну, Россия объявила всеобщую мобилизацию. Австрии пришлось перебросить войска на восточный фронт, и Сербия была спасена.

В день презентации двухметровой скульптуры (бюст - 80 см, постамент - 130 см) в Кафедральном православном храме города сербское и российское духовенство отслужат совместную литургию. В ней также примет участие костромской хор Ипатьевского монастыря. Сама церемония открытия бюста начнется с его освящения. А после торжественной части, в Университете Бани-Луки пройдет круглый стол под названием «100-летие Первой мировой войны и участие сербских добровольцев в составе Русской императорской армии».

http://www.mk.ru/culture/2014/06/20/pamyatnik-nikolayu-ii-ustanovyat-v-stolice-respubliki-serbskoy.html

*****

VIDEO

Bosnia and Herzegovina: Tsar Nicholas II monument blessed in Banja Luka

Posted on You Tube by "RuptlyTV"
June 21, 2014



http://youtu.be/OiE1k9dpr9A


*****

If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at heroesofserbia@yahoo.com

*****

VIDOVDAN (June 28th) AND THE KOSOVO PLEDGE - What it means for the Serbian people.

$
0
0
 
Aleksandra's Note:History marks the date of JUNE 28 as a day that the world changed forever, and history is not wrong to do this. That June 28th date, however, has a deeper meaning that predates the fateful day in Sarajevo in the summer of 1914. That deeper meaning is about what "Vidovdan" means for the Serbian people and their spiritual and national survival.
 
My thanks to Father Milan Medakovic of Holy Ascension Serbian Orthodox Church in Youngwood, Pennsylvania for this gentle reminder of the significance of Vidovdan.
 
Sincerely,
 
Aleksandra Rebic
 
*****
 
"The Kosovo Maiden"
Painting by Uroš Predić
 
It should be emphasized that the Vidovdan commemorations are not celebrations of a Serbian military victory over the Turks, for the Serbs were not victorious in the Kosovo Battle. However, it is incorrect, and even malicious, to claim that at Vidovdan commemorations of the Serbs “celebrate their defeat in the Kosovo Battle.”
 
For Serbian people, the Battle of Kosovo has a specific meaning, as it symbolizes the ever going effort to achieve the freedom and independence. The battle did not mean the end of Serbian State that continued for almost another century after the battle, but it was the beginning of epic struggle for survival of our people that lasts to this day.
 
On the eve of the epic battle St. Knez Lazar had a vision from God where he was to choose between a heavenly kingdom and an earthly kingdom. He choose the heavenly kingdom knowing that it would result in the martyrdom of himself and the Serbian people. Before going into battle and martyrdom all of the leaders and soldiers attended the Holy Liturgy and received Holy Communion.
 
The feast of Vidovdan is a renewal of the Kosovo Pledge for all Serbian people. This pledge is for us the choice once and for all our religious, cultural, ethical, and national identity. The Kosovo Pledge, has been handed down by all Serbian generations for more than 600 years. We as Serbs should live by this pledge.
 
The Kosovo Pledge -
 
Uncompromising faith in God, without which there is no genuine philanthropy;
 
Philanthropy, as a confirmation of professed faith in God;
 
Firm dedication to Christianity as it is confessed by the Orthodox Church;
 
Priority of the spiritual over the material;
 
Faithfulness to God, nation, and motherland;
 
Freedom as a precious value for which everything should be sacrificed, it should not be sacrificed for anything in the world;
 
Honesty, righteousness, and love for peace – virtues to be practiced by individuals as a basis for healthy social relationships;
 
Placing common interest above personal interests and readiness to sacrifice for those interests;
 
Compassion to be extended even to enemies;
 
National unity as a condition for our national existence.
 
 
Father Milan Medakovic
Pennsylvania
June 21, 2014
 
 
 
*****
 
If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at heroesofserbia@yahoo.com
 
*****

Republika Srpska obilježava Prvi svjetski rat u Andrićgradu 28. juna 2014. godine. / "Andricgrad" [Tanjug] June 12, 2014

$
0
0
www.andricgrad.com
Izvor: Tanjug
June 12, 2014

 
 Vlada Republike Srpske (RS) prihvatila je Informaciju o realizaciji Centralne ceremonije obilježavanja stogodišnjice Sarajevskog atentata u Andrićgradu, 28. juna 2014. godine.

Entitetska vlada je tu informaciju usvojila na današnjoj sjednici u Banjaluci.

Tako će, praktično, dva entiteta u BiH – RS i Federacija BiH odvojeno obilježiti sto godina Prvog svjetskog rata, jer imaju različiito viđenje tog ali i drugih istorijskih događaja na ovim prostorima, posebno kada je riječ o ratovima 90-tih.

I Srbija će se pridružiti tom obilježavanju, o čemu su danas u Banjaluci razgovarali predsjednik RS Milorad Dodik i ministar kulture i informisanja Srbije Ivan Tasovac.

Bilo je riječi o održavanju zajedničkih manifestacija RS i Srbije kojima će se obilježiti stogodišnjica od početka Prvog svjetskog rata, saopšteno je iz kabineta predsjednika RS, prenijela je agencija Fena.

Inače, juče je Dodik poručio da niko iz RS neće prisustvovati obilježavanju 100 godina od početka Prvog svjetskog rata koje organizuju vlasti u Sarajevu, jer je riječ o politizaciji tog događaja.

I srpski član Predsjedništva BiH Nebojša Radmanović odlučio je da ne ode u Sarajevo i o tome je obavijestio i EU. On je objasnio da je organizaciju obilježavanja jubileja u potpunosti preuzela Uprava Grada Sarajeva, koja je tu manifestaciju stavila u kontekst građanskog rata u BiH 90-tih godina, i zanemarila osnovne ideje pomirenja.

Predsjednik Srbije Tomislav Nikolić rekao je nedavno da takođe neće ići na obilježavanje u Sarajevo, jer ne može da ide tamo gde će neko da optuži njegov narod.

Nikolić je obrazložio da je nadležnost za organizaciju obilježavanja prenesena na grad Sarajevo, koji želi svečanost da održi u zgradi na kojoj piše da su na tom mjestu srpski zločinci ubijali, poručivši i da „tako ne možemo da se mirimo„.

Predsjedavajući Predsjedništva BiH Bakir Izetbegović izrazio je nerazumijevanje za te stavove i izrazio nadu da će predsjednik Nikolić i ostali srpski političari promijeniti svoj stav.


Izvor: Tanjug.rs


http://www.andricgrad.com/2014/06/republika-srpska-obelezava-prvi-svjetski-rat-u-andricgradu/#prettyPhoto


*****

If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at heoesofserbia@yahoo.com

*****

VIDEO - Млада Босна и Црна рука / Историчар Душан Т. Батаковић, за Јутарњи програм РТС-а / "PTC - Radio-Televizija Srbije" June 21, 2014

$
0
0


PTC - Radio-Televizija Srbije
Припремила Биљана Бојковић
June 21, 2014

Две организације, један идеал и различити путеви до циља. Младу Босну као револуционарну, идеалистичку групу омладинаца и Црну руку састављену од официра завереника, спајали су жеља за слободом и стварање Југославије.

Историчар Душан Т. Батаковић, за Јутарњи програм РТС-а каже да је Млада Босна старија организација од Црне руке.

"Млада Босна је једна од многих национално-револуционарних организација, чији је циљ била политичка и национална слобода и они су се борили против колонијалне управе Аустроугарске", наводи Батаковић.

У Босни и Херцеговини, као аустроугарској провинцији, Србима се порицало право на језик, школе и идентитет. Припадници Младе Босне - Владимир Гаћиновић, Гаврило Принцип, Трифко Грабеж, Недељко Чабриновић и остали - узоре су проналазили у страним национално-револуционарним организацијама, које су такве проблеме решавале атентатима.

Херојско жртвовање зарад ослобођења од аустроугарске тортуре, за младобосанце било је логично.

Међу члановима Младе Босне било је интелектуалаца који су се школовали у Бечу. Дела Владимира Гаћиновић и нобеловца Иве Андрића, оставила су значајан печат у српској књижевности.

"Црна рука јесте створена 1911. од бивших завереника из 1903. који су се мешали у унутрашњу политику Србије, али су њу створили југословенски идеалисти, као што је био Љуба Јовановић Чупа, главни идеолог. Црна рука је тражила да се убрза борба за национално ослобођење српског народа и ту су се они нашли на заједничким таласима са Младом Босном", каже Батаковић.

Већина чланова Црне руке сматрала је да је национални циљ окончан ослобођењем старе Србије и Македоније и да је на следећим генерацијама да ослободе Босну и Херцеговину и створе Југославију.

Црна рука је де факто престала да постоји после Балканских ратова. Остаје само Апис са 20, можда 40 следбеника, који су за свој грош правили планове", каже Батаковић.

Није доказано да је Апис организовао атентат. Према неким наводима, он чак никада није срео Гаврила Принципа, Трифка Грабежа и Чабриновића.

"Они су били тројца ентузијаста, идеалиста, али и аматера који не знају како се спроводи политички атентат. Њих је наоружао Воја Танкосић, један од Аписових људи. Ово што се радило са Младом Босном је само једна у низу акција какве су они спроводили у БиХ", објашњава Батаковић.

Према речима историчара Душана Батаковића, Драгутин Димитријевић Апис, који је руководио обавештајном службом Врховне команде, није желео атентат. Његова намера је била да се заплаши аустроугарски престолонаследник Франц Фердинанд. Према неким наводима, Апис је чак послао своје људе да спрече убиство.

"Млада Босна је искористила Црну руку, а не Црна рука Младу Босну. Да је Црна рука, односно та фракција коју је Апис представљао, која је још била активна у политици, хтела да убије Франца Фердинанда, они би сигурно послали тројцу врло искусних четника који су 1904. у Македонији и старој Србији изводили сличне акције", каже Батаковић.

"То како је до тога свега дошло је сплет несрећних околности. А да аутомобил Франца Фердинанда није грешком скренуо у погрешну улицу и стао баш испред Гаврила Принципа, чак и тај атентат не би успео", закључује Батаковић.

Не постоје докази да је идеја о атентату потекла из Београда и да га је српска влада организовала. Знало се да је Србија после Балканских ратова у сваком погледу ослабљена и осиромашена и да би јој требало најмање 20 година да се опорави.

Атентат, а самим тим још једна рат, свакако нису били оно чему је Србија тежила.

Уједињење или смрт

Црна рука је била позната и под именом Уједињење или смрт. Имали су и свој грб, правилник и заклетву.

Главне тачке Устава и Правилника организације Уједињење или Смрт односно Црне Руке биле су:

Чл. 1. У циљу остварења народног идеала, уједињења српства ствара се организација, чији члан може бити сваки Србин, без обзира на пол, веру, место рођења, као и сваки онај, који искрено буде служио овој идеји.

Чл. 2. Организација претпоставља револуциону борбу културној, стога јој је институција апсолутно тајна за шири круг.

Чл. 3. Организација носи назив Уједињење или Смрт.

Чл. 4. За испуњење овога задатка, организација, према карактеру свога бића, утиче на све службене факторе у Србији, као Пијемонту, и на све друштвене слојеве и целокупни друштвени живот у њој...

Иво Андрић о Младој Босни (1934)

Не жалећи се и примајући ход догађаја и ред ствари у људској судбини, не тражећи од новог нараштаја више разумевања него што он може да га има, ми, из 1914. године, упиремо данас један другом поглед у очи и са жаром, али и са том дубоком меланхолијом, тражимо оно наше из 1914. године, што је изгледало страшно, дивно и велико, као међа векова и раздобља, а што полако нестаје и бледи као песма која се више не пева или језик који се све мање говори.

Али, између себе, гледајући један другом у зенице које су виделе чуда, права чуда, и остале и даље живе да гледају ово свакодневно сунце, ми подлежемо увек неодољивом, за нас вечном чару тих година. Тада ми опет добивамо крила и окриље патње и жртве савладаног страха и прежаљене младости.

И док нас траје, ми ћемо у себи делити свет по томе на којој је ко страни био и чиме се заклињао 1914. године. Јер то лето, лето 1914, жарко и мирно лето, са укусом ватре и леденим дахом трагедије на сваком кораку, то је наша права судбина.

VIDEO:

http://www.rts.rs/page/stories/ci/%D0%92%D0%B5%D0%BB%D0%B8%D0%BA%D0%B8%20%D1%80%D0%B0%D1%82/story/2217/%D0%98%D0%B7%D0%B0%20%D0%BA%D1%83%D0%BB%D0%B8%D1%81%D0%B0/1628980/%D0%9C%D0%BB%D0%B0%D0%B4%D0%B0%20%D0%91%D0%BE%D1%81%D0%BD%D0%B0%20%D0%B8%20%D0%A6%D1%80%D0%BD%D0%B0%20%D1%80%D1%83%D0%BA%D0%B0.html


*****

If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at heroesofserbia@yahoo.com

*****

Udruženje "Mladi za turizam" povodom stogodišnjice od Sarajevskog atentata, 28. juna 2014. godine organizuje besplatan turistički obilazak „Prvi svetski rat u Beogradu“ i tribinu „Sarajevski atentat – sto godina posle“.

$
0
0


Obeležavanje sto godina od Sarajevskog atentata

Udruženje "Mladi za turizam" povodom stogodišnjice od Sarajevskog atentata, 28. juna 2014. godine organizuje besplatan turistički obilazak „Prvi svetski rat u Beogradu“ i tribinu „Sarajevski atentat – sto godina posle“.

Turistički obilazak i tribina povodom ovog jubileja čine deo projekta “Obeležavanje 100. godina od početka Prvog svetskog rata”, kojim "Mladi za turizam"žele da doprinese očuvanju uspomene na sve one koji su položili svoje živote, kao i na sve strance koji su nam nesebično priticali u pomoć u Prvom svetskom ratu.

Turistički obilazak počinje u 18 časova ispred Biblioteke grada Beograda, na kraju Knez Mihailove ulice, a tribina se održava od 20 časova u kafani „Zlatna Moruna" na Zelenom Vencu, Kraljice Natalije 2.

Na tribini će biti reči o životu Gavrila Principa, šta ga je motivisalo da se priključi organizaciji "Mlada Bosna", kao i o danima koje je proveo u Beogradu. Diskutovaće se o samom Sarajevskom atentatu i šta se dešavalo sa Gavrilom nakon atentata.

Na tribini govore: Uroš Milivojević, diplomirani istoričar, kreator i urednik sajta „Istorijska biblioteka“ i Bojana Rnjak, zadužena za odnose sa javnošću za film „Sjene“.

Broj mesta je ograničen, a zainteresovani se mogu prijaviti na info@mladizaturizam.rs.


http://www.mrezakreativnihljudi.com/2014/06/besplatan-turisticki-obilazak-prvi.html

*****

SUBOTA 28. Jun 2014.

Позивамо вас на туристички обилазак „Први светски рат у Београду“ и трибину „Сарајевски атентат – сто година после“ коју организује удружење „Млади за туризам“.
 
Туристички обилазак „Први светски рат у Београду“ почињемо у 18 часова од Библиотеке града Београда, на крају Кнез Михаилове улице, а завршавамо код кафане „Златна Моруна“ где настављамо наше дружење на трибини „Сарајевски атентат – сто година после“.
 
На трибини ће бити речи о животу Гаврила Принципа, шта га је мотивисало да се прикључи Младобосанцима, као и о данима које је провео у Београду. Дискутоваће се о самом Сарајевском атентату и шта се дешавало са Гаврилом након атентата. Заправо, причом о Принципу, приказаће се тадашње прилике у Србији, Босни и Аустроугарској царевини. У оквиру трибине, биће представљен филм Сјене, чије снимање се приводи крају, који осликава Принципове затворске дане у Чешкој.
 
Наши гости су: Урош Миливојевић, дипломирани историчар, креатор и уредник сајта „Историјска библиотека“ и Бојана Рњак, задужена за односе са јавношћу за филм „Сјене“.
 
Трибина се одржава у кафани „Златна моруна“, Краљице Наталије бр. 2, на Зеленом венцу, зборном месту припадника Младе босне, где су размењивали идеје и дружили се.
 
Број места је ограничен, а заинтересовани се могу пријавити на info@mladizaturizam.rs
 
Добро нам дошли!
 
 
 
 
*****
 
If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at heroesofserbia@yahoo.com
 
*****

РАТ ЈЕ ПОЧЕО 28. ЈУЛА, А НЕ – 28. ЈУНА 1914 / Проф. др. Слободан Турлаков / "Novinar Online" June 21, 2014

$
0
0
Novinar Online
Проф. др. Слободан Турлаков
June 21, 2014

 
 
Налазимо се у предвечерје обележавања почетка Првог светског рата, што је прилика за многе западне историчаре да опет врате у оптицај тезу да је Србија крива за тај рат. А та се кривица доказује сарајевским атентатом, на Видовдан, 15/28. јуна 1914, у ком је убијен аустроуграски престолонаследник Франц Фердинанд, па се, према томе, почетак Великог рата везује за тај дан и за то убиство.
 
пише Проф. др. Слободан Турлаков, 21. јун 2014
 
*****
 
Још током версајске Мировне конференције, утврђено је да је Немачка била изазивач Великог рата, што су њени представници признали и потписали. Међутим, историчари и многе јавне личности, још пре Хитлера, стављали су под знак питања то признање, јер је оно, наводно, од намачких представника изнуђено, па су, због тога, и Версајски уговор о миру и каснији појединачни уговори између зарађених страна, често проглашавани узроком Другог светског рата, који је, опет, почела и изазвала Немачка.
 
Све се то зна, али уместо да се цео проблем постави у смеру тражења коначне истине, мада је она евидентна и без тог тражења, јер је немачки цар Виљем II објављивањем рата Русији, 1.августа 1914, локални рат Аустроугарски са Србијом, претворио у светски конфликт и тако учинио, стварно и неопозиво, Немачку за изазивача и кривца Великог рата.
 
Међутим, иако се то зна, западни историчари и политичари, настоје да фалсификују историју, и да опет, у предвечерје 100 годишњице тог рата, по ко зна који пут, прогласе Србију, за изазивача Великог рата, оствареног путем атентата на аустроугарског престолонаследника 28. јуна 1914.
 
Но, материјална истина је тврдоглава, јер се стварни почетак рата –.након незадовољавајућег одговора Србије на познати аустроугарски ултиматум – збио тачно месец дана касније, дакле 28. јула, и ако се жели његово обележавање, онда се оно може обавити само тог дана кад је стварно почео, артиљеријским бомбардовањем Београда са Бежанијске косе.
 
Одиста, да је рат почео како се тврди и како сад хоће да се обележи даном 28. јуном, када је Фердинанд убијен у Сарајеву, зар би у Србији тих скоро месец дана, од 28. јуна, скоро до 28 јула, пламтела предизборна кампања, када је скоро цела влада на челу са Пашићем била разастрта Србијом у преизборној агитацији, док је у Београду остао само Лазар Пачу, министар финансија? Или, зар би војвода Путник, начелник Врховне команде, тих дана отишао баш у Аустрију, на бањско лечење?
 
Наравно, то је ван сваке памети, али не и ван вечног непријатељства које Запад осећа, гаји и спроводи против Србије, до дана данашњег, а и свих сутрапшњих.
 
Према томе, за Србију постоји само један датум обележавања (а не прослављања!), стогодишњице Великог рата, само 28. јула, када је Аустроугарска отпочела оружана непријатељства против Србије, и када јој је отвореним телеграмом, преко Темишвара или Букурешта, објавила рат.
 
Као и толико пута, до дана данашњег, Запад и овога пута жели да прекроји утврђене чињенице, и тако речени атентат обележава као почетак рата, што ми, Србија, никако нисмо смели да прихватимо. На жалост, чак и научне установе и неки други непозвани организатори, прихватају ту подвалу, и на скорашњи Видовдан, 28. јуна, обележиће 100година од почетка Великог рата, чиме признајемо оно што се на Западу хоће, да смо стварни изазивачи рата и да је он почео на дан када је Гаврило Принцип убио Фердинада.
 
Зар није било нормално, да не кажемо – нужно, да ми у Србији обележимо ту стогодишњицу, онда када је она имала свој једини и стварни почетак, тј. 28 јула?! Јер, ми имамо шта да обележимо: изразе туге и жалости за трећином активног становништва Србије, побијеним током тог рата, уз толика друга стравична страдања и рушења, која су ионако слабо развијену Србију потпуно уназадили, па је тако та стогодишњица, за нас, Србе, све друго само не научно-историјска тема, већ још једно незаобилазно присећање на страдање и ништење које су наши вечити непријтељи и желели и то спроводили на најбестијалнији начин, какав Европа није познавала.
 
Није било нормално и није се могло то ни очекивати, јер би то било против онога што Запад хоће. Тако је све од 5. октобра, од кад све Владе чине оно што њихови западни спонзори од њих траже, па и ова садашња, која проглашава, упркос свих историјских чињеница, да нам је Немачка највећи пријатељ, а ми њен верни савезник; да смо, шта више, по угледу на Аустрију, стварали нашу државу! Колико је то далеко од Србије и српског народа не треба ни помињати, али треба рећи да је то близу, још како и колико, оних који су на власти. Нико да им понови аманет Светог Саве: „Не тражите новог пријатеља, у доказаном старом душманину“, још из 1225. године!
 
Срећом, а ко зна, можда и намерно, Српска академија наука и уметности, одржала је свој научни скуп поводом 100 година од почетка Великог рата, прошле недеље, и тако се није натоциљала на западну жељу. У добри час!
 
 
Слободан Турлаков
 
 
*****
 
If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at heroesofserbia@yahoo.com
 
*****

Obeležavanje Sarajevskog atentata donelo nove podele / "Politika" June 26, 2014

$
0
0
Politika
Dušanka Stanišić
Objavljeno: 26.06.2014.

Istoričar Husnija Kamberović smatra da je „priča za malu decu” to da će se iz Sarajeva manifestacijama o početku Velikog rata poslati poruke mira.

Početak Velikog rata biće obeležen i koncertom Bečke filharmonije
u Vijećnici: Sarajevo (Foto: Rojters)
 
Od našeg dopisnika

Sarajevo – Uz zanemarljivu medijsku zainteresovanost, u Sarajevu je od 18. do 22. juna održana Međunarodna konferencija „Mesto Prvog svetskog rata u evropskoj istoriji”, koja je najavljena kao jedan od značajnijih događaja u okviru „planetarnog” obeležavanja 100 godina od Sarajevskog atentata i početka Prvog svetskog rata.

Direktor sarajevskog Instituta za istoriju Husnija Kamberović, iako je saglasan sa ocenom da konferencija nije „odjeknula” kako se očekivalo, smatra da je to bio, u pravom smislu reči, naučni skup i da „priča” nije izašla iz akademskih okvira na polje politike.

„Dobili smo ono što smo očekivali. Učestvovalo je oko 120 istoričara iz različitih zemalja sveta koji su prezentovali svoje viđenje onoga što se desilo pre 100 godina”, izjavio je Kamberović za „Politiku”, naglašavajući kako su učesnici imali jedan „apsolutno novi pristup u gledanju na ono što jesu bili članovi ’Mlade Bosne’”.

Nije niko, kako on kaže, rekao da je Srbija kriva, ili da je Gavrilo Princip terorista.

O nekim drugim manifestacijama kojima će Sarajevo obeležiti početak Velikog rata, uključujući i koncert čuvene Bečke filharmonije koji će biti održan u Vijećnici 28. juna, Kamberović govori sa dozom nezadovoljstva jer smatra da je sama priprema i najava tih događaja dovela do novih podela, ne samo u BiH nego i u regionu. Dobar deo krivice za to prebacuje na strance.

„Francusko petljanje u sve to apsolutno je dovelo do toga da su se stvari zaoštrile do krajnje granice”, kaže on i zaključuje da je priča o tome kako će se iz Sarajeva poslati poruke mira, „priča za malu decu”.

Ideju sarajevskih vlasti da se podigne spomenik austrougarskom prestolonasledniku Francu Ferdinandu, od koje se, istina, odustalo, Kamberović smatra suludom, dok na spomenik Gavrilu Principu gleda kao na deo istorije grada na Miljacki i nema ništa protiv da bude podignut.

„Samo je pitanje vremena kad to treba uraditi, kao što je i pitanje šta se time želi postići”, navodi on i sugeriše kako je „šansa propuštena”.

Istog dana kada je Međunarodna konferencija privedena kraju, održana je i biciklistička trka „Sarajevo gran pri” u organizaciji Sarajeva i Istočnog Sarajeva koju je otvorio predsedavajući Predsedništva BiH Bakir Izetbegović koji je izjavom da je „ovo dokaz ujedinjenja dva Sarajeva” ponovo izazvao reakciju srpskih predstavnika, jer su se oni već izjasnili da ih obeležavanje godišnjice dva događaja u „režiji Sarajeva” ne interesuje zato što je kompletna priča ispolitizovana s krajnjom namerom da se istorija falsifikuje.

Deo manifestacije kojom će Sarajevo obeležiti događaj koji je i nakon sto godina za jedne bio „okidač, povod za Prvi svetski rat”, a za druge „uzrok”, osim koncerta Bečke filharmonije biće i muzičko-scenski spektakl „Stoleće mira nakon stoleća ratova” koji će, takođe, na Vidovdan biti održan na Latinskoj ćupriji, to jest mostu Gavrila Principa.

Ova manifestacija, u kojoj prema najavama učestvuje preko 280 umetnika iz 10 zemalja, simbolično će početi 15 minuta pre ponoći, a zašto baš tada objasnio je na konferenciji za novinare reditelj i autor projekta Haris Pašović.

„Zato što nam odgovara da je noć, zbog potreba scene, ali i zato što je 28. juna prvi dan meseca ramazana, pa smo odlučili da to bude posle teravih-namaza i završetka utakmice na svetskom prvenstvu”, rekao je on naglašavajući kako ima i simbolike u tome da ovaj dan bude obeležen na njegovom izmaku.

I dok Sarajevo „na svoj način” i uz pomoć EU, koja je za manifestacije koje nemaju podršku unutar cele BiH izdvojila 2,2 miliona evra, dočekuje Vidovdan koji u Srbima budi posebne emocije, nekoliko kilometara dalje – u Istočnom Sarajevu – sve je spremno za podizanje spomenika Gavrilu Principu.

Spomenik će biti svečano otkriven 27. juna u novoizgrađenom parku u Istočnom Novom Sarajevu, a dan kasnije, na Vidovdan u Andrićgradu u Višegradu Republika Srpska organizovaće centralnu svečanost obeležavanja godišnjice Velikog rata, na kojoj će, kako se očekuje, biti i najviši zvaničnici Srbije.


Dušanka Stanišić
Objavljeno: 26.06.2014.


http://www.politika.rs/rubrike/region/Obelezavanje-Sarajevskog-atentata-donelo-nove-podele.lt.html


*****

If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at heroesofserbia@yahoo.com

*****

Mи Срби грешимо што почетак Првог светског рата (као што то намјерно и насилно чине српски непријатељи) вежемо за атентат у Сарајеву. / Протојереј-ставрофор Драган К. Велеушић

$
0
0
 
Протојереј-ставрофор Драган К. Велеушић
Foto: Aleksandra Rebic June 30, 2013
 
"Ја се не мешам у ову ујдурму обиљежавања 100 година од почетка Првог светског рата. Пратим сва писања и српска и страна и не видим како ја могу да ту нешто паметно урадим. Једино што мислим да ми Срби грешимо што почетак рата (као што то намјерно и насилно чине српски непријатељи) вежемо за атентат у Сарајеву. Ми бисмо требали да 28. јули и објаву рата Србији вежемо за почетак рата. Као што и сама знаш и као што паметни људи, укључујући и крвног сродника Франца Фердинанда, рат је био планиран и он би почео и без атентата. Е, сад, да би оптужили Србе за 15 милиона жртава сви су се сконцентрисали на сарајевски атентат.
Тад рат није почео. Рат је почео кад је империја објавила рат Србији."
 
 
Протојереј-ставрофор
Драган К. Велеушић
January 22, 2014
 
 
*****
 
If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra,
please feel free to contact me atheroesofserbia@yahoo.com
 
*****

COMMEMORATION IN JINDRIHOVICE Saturday June 28, 2014 10:00 a.m. / U subotu 28 juna 2014. godine u 10 časova na Vidovdan služićemo u Jindrihovicama sv. Liturgiju i parastos za Srpske i Ruske vojnike koji su ostavili svoje živote u najvećem koncentracionom logoru Austro-Ugarske za vreme prvog svetskog rata.

$
0
0
 
On Saturday 28 June 2014, St. Vitus Day, we will celebrate in Jindřichovice the Divine Liturgy and requiem for the Serbian and Russian soldiers who lost their lives in the largest Austro-Hungarian concentration camp during World War I.
 
The day also marks the beginning of World War I and the 625th anniversary of the Battle of Kosovo. The Divine Liturgy and requiem will be led by Archbishop Jáchym of Prague.
 
We wholeheartedly invite you to participate in the ceremony to the memory of the victims of World War I.
 
*****

У суботу 28 јуна 2014 на Видовдан служићемо у Јиндриховицама св. Литургију и парастос за Српске и Руске војнике који су оставили своје животе у највећем концентрационом логору Аустро-Угарске за време првог светског рата.

Тог дана уједно обележавамо и 100 година од почетка првог светског рата а уједно и 625 година од Косовске битке. Свету Литургију и парастос служиће Архиепископ пражски Јоаким.

Срдачно зовемо све који желе да дођу да заједно са нама учествују у св. Литургији и молитви за жртве првог светског рата.
 
*****
 
U subotu 28 juna 2014. godine u 10 časova na Vidovdan služićemo u Jindrihovicama sv. Liturgiju i parastos za Srpske i Ruske vojnike koji su ostavili svoje živote u najvećem koncentracionom logoru Austro-Ugarske za vreme prvog svetskog rata.
 
Tog dana ujedno obeležavamo i 100 godina od početka prvog svetskog rata a ujedno i 625 godina od Kosovske bitke. Svetu Liturgiju i parastos služiće Arhiepiskop pražski Joakim.

Srdačno zovemo sve koji žele da dođu da zajedno sa nama učestvuju u sv. Liturgiji i molitvi za žrtve prvog svetskog rata.
 
*****
 
The Memorial Ossuary in Jindřichovice holds the remains of almost 7,300 Serbs and 189 Russians who died as a result of WWI. Of the Serbs who are buried here, 88 have died in The Netherlands in 1918 and 1919.

 
 
EVENT HOSTED BY:
 
 
 
 
 
 
*****
 
If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at heroesofserbia@yahoo.com

*****

GAVRILO PRINCIP'S LEGACY STILL CONTESTED / "IWPR - Institute for War and Peace Reporting" June 26, 2014

$
0
0
IWPR
By Benjamin Beasley-Murray
International Justice - ICTY                 
TRI Issue 840                                                  
Graffiti image of Gavrilo Princip on a street named after him in Belgrade.
(Photo: Benjamin Beasley-Murray)
 
One hundred years on, Gavrilo Princip, the man who shot Archduke Franz Ferdinand, is as contentious a figure as ever, and communities in Bosnia and Serbia are unable to agree how the event – and the assassin himself – should be remembered.

Just memorialising the act that lit the touchpaper for the First World War is proving hugely divisive.

Commemorations this weekend in the Bosnian capital Sarajevo, the scene of the assassination on June 28, 1914, are being boycotted by Serb leaders who had earlier agreed to attend.

Instead, an alternative event is to be held in the predominantly Serb-populated Republika Srpska, one of the two administrative entities that make up Bosnia and Herzevovina.

The centrepiece of the Sarajevo event, a concert by the Vienna Philharmonic Orchestra, was due to be broadcast by Eurovision on June 28, might not even go ahead, according to an international diplomat in Sarajevo.

Speaking on condition of anonymity, he said two obstacles stood in the way. First, the venue is the city hall, which was destroyed by incendiary shells in August 1992 during the siege and has been newly restored – but it might not even be structurally ready. “At the moment, only the atrium has been properly finished,” the diplomat said, “so the chances of the event going ahead there are low.”

As of the morning of June 26, the building was still ringed with fencing with a sign saying it was closed due to ongoing construction.

Second, the diplomat said, because the building is state property, permission to use it needs an official signature. “Given that the minister of civil affairs, who is ultimately responsible for granting the permit, is a Serb, how likely is he to do so in time for the weekend? For a concert by Austrians in the building in Sarajevo where Archduke Ferdinand was visiting literally minutes before he was killed? Where there is a plaque on the exterior referring to the ‘Serb criminals’ who destroyed the library?”

The final lines of the plaque refer to the destruction of the library the building housed in 1992, noting that two million books, periodicals and documents “vanished in the flames”.

“Do not forget. Remember and warn!” it says.

Republika Srpska’s president Milorad Dodik, who had originally been expected to attend the planned event, announced earlier this year that no representatives from the entity would be present.

Two weeks ago, Serbia’s prime minister Aleksandar Vucic said he would not be taking part, and claimed that what was meant to be a joint commemoration had been hijacked by the Bosniak Federation, Bosnia’s other entity. Serbian president Tomislav Nikolic said at the same time that he could not attend an event that amounted to an “accusation” against his people. And Nebojsa Radmanovic, the Serb member of the tripartite Bosnian Presidency, declined his invitation in a letter to Austrian president Heinz Fischer, stating that the Sarajevo city government had abused the commemoration and “subordinated its meaning to the context of the 1990s civil war in Bosnia and Herzegovina”.

So instead, Serb officials plan to gather in East New Sarajevo – which lies within Republika Srpska – where they will unveil a statue of Princip.

Assuming that the concert goes ahead – the Office of the High Representative could presumably intervene to clear the bureaucratic obstacles – it will be loaded with significance.

Second on the Austrian orchestra’s list for the evening, following the Bosnian national anthem, is Haydn’s Third String Quartet, nicknamed the “Emperor” because it borrows from “Gott erhalte Franz den Kaiser” (“God save Emperor Francis”), another Haydn piece that later became Austro-Hungary’s national anthem.

PRINCIP’S ROLE RESHAPED AFTER THE FACT

Long after his death, Princip’s legacy is still disputed. Celebrated as a hero by Serbs, he is regarded as a terrorist by many Bosnian Muslims.

Over the years, he has been depicted as a Serb expansionist, an anti-imperialist and a pan-Yugoslav idealist, and his motivations ascribed variously to upholding or undermining Serbian statehood, a desire to unite the southern Slavs, or a bid to shake Bosnia free of its Austro-Hungarian shackles.

“People are owned by history,” says Branislav, 48, an anthropologist whom I meet for coffee on a bright morning in Pancevo, a city nestled on the north of the Danube, near Serbia’s capital Belgrade. “History shapes and reshapes people, and our interpretation of them changes all the time.”

Branislav’s piercing stare from over the rim of his coffee-cup is reminiscent of the photos of Princip I had been looking at. He seems to look two inches behind me as he speaks, his eyes glinting beneath dark eyebrows and a sweep of jet black hair.

It is no surprise, then, that his surname is Princip and that he is a great-nephew of Gavrilo. Perhaps it is only my imagination, but he appears to have the same jawline and nose as his great-uncle.

Branislav’s brother Sasha, 51, joins us under the shade of a parasol. Living in Canada where he works as an engineer, he is visiting Serbia on holiday. Like Sasha, he is aware that for many people, Gavrilo Princip is a blank canvas on which they paint their own picture of him.

“In my mind he was just a young guy trying to change the world for the better,” Sasha says, “but people are trying to use him. There are Serbs who try to use him as an Orthodox Serb.”

Sasha is referring to the fact that many nationalist Serbs have adopted Princip as their poster-boy, the very image of a selfless young man who they say acted to better the lot of Serbs as an ethnic group.

According to this narrative, Princip was trying to unite the homelands of Orthodox Serbs across Serbia and Bosnia when he assassinated the Archduke. This project – the creation of a Greater Serbia – would foreshadow the terrible acts committed during the Bosnian war of the 1990s.

And so it was that General Ratko Mladic, who stands accused of war crimes in The Hague, began a pre-trial hearing in 2012 by saying he wanted to offer up some words about the “knight” Gavrilo Princip. The judge refused, but Mladic went on regardless, prompting the court to switch his microphone off.

“Gavrilo Princip gave his life for his people just as I did,” the defendant shouted as he hammered the table with his fists. Mladic said that in 1914 and 80 years later, the Bosnian Serbs were “under blockade”.

Judge Alphons Orie explained to Mladic, “The nation or the country are not in the dock, but you as an individual.”

The problem with Mladic’s account is that it robs Princip of his individuality and historical context, and turns him into a cipher responsible for anything done by any Serb.

Many would say that reducing Princip’s motives to monoethnic nationalism misses the point entirely. Living under Austro-Hungarian rule, he was driven by anti-imperialist zeal, and wanted the Balkan Slavs, whether Serb or not, to live unoccupied by great powers.

“Gavrilo was acting as somebody who wanted an end to the occupation of Bosnia by the Austro-Hungarians and who wanted the southern Slavs to live together,” says Sasha.

HISTORICAL ACCOUNTS MODIFIED TO SUIT THOSE IN POWER

Dubravka Stojanovic, a professor of history at Belgrade University, says that under successive regimes, the reputations of Princip and his co-conspirators – who, she reminds me, included a Croat and two Muslims – have been revised to suit whichever historical view is in vogue.

“In socialist Yugoslavia, they were celebrated as socialist heroes, as freedom fighters for the workers and for the oppressed,” she says. “It was that socialist component that was emphasised. And it wasn’t until [post-socialist leader Slobodan] Milosevic that suddenly, for the first time, Princip becomes a Serbian national hero rather than a Yugoslav. Every regime has misused him – in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia it was conveniently forgotten that he was a left-wing anarchist. Under socialism, it was forgotten that he was a nationalist, albeit a Yugoslav. And then with Milosevic, Princip becomes – wrongly – a Serbian nationalist. Then in the 1990s, he starts to be seen as the father of the fight for Republika Srpska in Bosnia.”

She concludes, “These changes of understanding show that you can do whatever you like with history. History is always about the present rather than the past.”

The picture painted by Sasha and Branislav is one of a romantic idealist.

“He was a poet,” says Sasha. “He was in touch with [Nobel prizewinning Croat writer] Ivo Andric, with whom he shared thoughts about poetry. He destroyed all his poetry before he carried out the plot, however.”

Princip died in prison of tuberculosis in April 1918 in Terezín, now in the Czech Republic – he had been spared the death penalty because he was not yet 20 when he carried out the assassination. Denied books or paper, he carved into the stone wall of his cell: “Our shadows will walk through Vienna, stroll around the court and frighten the gentry.”

I ask Sasha whether he believes his great-uncle would have thought that the downfall of the Austro-Hungarian empire and the establishment of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia was worth the enormous cost in human lives.

“He would,” Sasha answered, “but it depends on the time-frame – were he to have seen Yugoslavia in the decades after World War I, he would have said it was worth it. But looking further, if he were to know what happened to Yugoslavia, how it met its end, he would definitely say it was not worth it.”

MONUMENTAL CHANGES

Striking out on a hired bicycle in Sarajevo, I ask a pedestrian for directions to Principov Most – Princip Bridge. I am politely shown the way, but reminded that the bridge is called Latinska Cuprija. It reverted to its old name – Latin Bridge – in 1992 with the onset of hostilities.

Cycling on, I am sure I’ll spot the bridge from some distance. Surely there will be some large monument to mark the site of the most famous event in Sarajevo’s history. But no, there is only a very missable inscription on the side of a nearby building, once a café and now the city museum, outside which Princip pulled the trigger.

That has since changed – the museum now has large pictures of Princip and the archduke on its front façade, put there in time for the anniversary.

Few historical locations can have undergone so many different rememberings as one, at the intersection of two roads and a bridge. In the wake of the assassination, the Austrians erected a memorial to Franz Ferdinand and his wife Sophie at the site, consisting of two enormous columns with medallions and a marble plaque. It marked the memory of the royal couple who died “martyrs’ deaths by a treasonous hand”.

The columns were pulled down with the establishment of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in 1918, and a metal plate embedded in the road to mark where the archduke’s car was fired on disappeared, as well. No replacement was put in place for 12 years, because regicide – Franz Ferdinand was heir to the throne – is not something monarchies tend to publicly celebrate. But in 1930 a monument, officially funded by private citizens but with a nod and a wink from the government, was put up to celebrate Princip, who “proclaimed freedom on St Vitus Day”.

In 1941, the plaque was torn down by invading Nazi forces and handed to Adolf Hitler as birthday present. At around the same time, their allies in the Croatian Ustase brought in Princip’s younger brother, grandfather to Branislav and Sasha. A doctor called Nikola Princip, he was executed, they say, for no other reason than the family connection.

As in a children’s party game, a plaque appeared in 1945, again in Cyrillic letters but this time with a Partisan star. This was “a symbol of eternal gratitude to Gavrilo Princip and his comrades, to fighters against the Germanic conquerors”.

When Bosnian Serb forces began shelling Sarajevo in April 1992, the plaque swiftly came down.

Shoeprints – actually dating only to 1953 – that were embedded in the pavement to show where Gavrilo stood at the fatal moment also disappeared.

In 2004, a bilingual inscription was put in place stating, now in Latin script, simply that this was the spot where Princip assassinated the Archduke and his wife.

For many Serbs, that is not enough. Emir Kusturica, a Sarajevo-born Serbian filmmaker who has twice won the Palme d'Or at Cannes, is adamant that Princip should be publicly acknowledged as a hero.

This April, he unveiled a statue to Princip in the Serbian town of Tovarisevo. Unveiling the statue in the town centre, an emotional Kusturica kissed its cheek.

“If we cannot agree on this one thing, if Serbs and Muslims cannot agree on the simple fact that Princip was a freedom fighter, we cannot agree on anything,” Kusturica told me in a telephone interview. “I have tried to find just one thing to agree on, but they cannot. Bosnia was the last colony in Europe. Princip was an anti-colonial revolutionary and his shot was the beginning of freedom.”

Kusturica is orchestrating an alternative celebration on June 28 in Andricgrad, his theme-park-like construction in Visegrad, Republika Srpska. A host of Serb dignitaries are expected to attend.

A large mosaic mural will be unveiled dedicated to Princip and Mlada Bosna (Young Bosnia), the revolutionary group he was part of.

“We will make a performance, reconstructing the events of the day,” says Kusturica. “And there will be a 35-minute alternative trial of Princip.”

Kusturica believes that Princip’s trial for treason was illegitimate. “The Austro-Hungarian empire was not the sovereign power of Bosnia. Their law was not applicable and the trial was illegal,” he says.

The filmmaker says that on June 28, he will launch a petition that he hopes will win support all across Bosnia for a “retrial” to be held in Sarajevo. He hopes this will vindicate those who carried out “the most amateur assassination in the history of the world”.

POLITICAL CONTROVERSY AS “CONTINUATION OF WAR”

In the official Bosnian Serb ceremony, one statue to Princip will be unveiled in a park in East New Sarajevo on June 28. When plans for the monument were announced this spring, officials in Belgrade said another statue of Princip would go up, at the top of Kalemegdan, the historic fortress in the Serbian capital, in time for the centenary. This project seems to have been dropped, though.

It is possible the Serbian government is reluctant to obstruct its growing relationship with the European Union by marking so publicly its pride in a figure viewed as the originator of the continent’s Great War. Having roads, schools and hospitals named after Princip is one thing, but having him standing proud on the capital’s skyline might be too provocative.

Provocation is all too often the norm in Bosnia, whose two entities, Republika Srpska and the Federation, grind against each other as much as they interlock.

“The Serbs in Bosnia who are wanting to glorify Princip have the intention of provoking a fresh crisis,” says historian Stojanovic. “They are wanting to show that they are still on the Serbian side, that they are still fighting the war of the 1990s.”

Stojanovic cites the dictum of Prussian general and military thinker Carl von Clausewitz that “war is the continuation of politics by other means.”

“This may be true,” says Stojanovic, “but we can see the other side of this in Bosnia. There, politics is the continuation of war by other means.”


Benjamin Beasley-Murray is a freelance journalist based in London and Belgrade.

http://iwpr.net/report-news/gavrilo-princips-legacy-still-contested


*****

If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at heroesofserbia@yahoo.com


*****



JUNE 27, 1914 - THE DAY BEFORE THE WORLD CHANGED FOREVER 100 YEARS AGO. / By Aleksandra Rebic June 27, 2014

$
0
0

DUSK Friday June 27, 2014 / Photo by Aleksandra Rebic

Aleksandra's Note: Today is Friday, June 27, 2014. Exactly 100 years ago today was the day before everything in the world changed forever. History tells us that it was a beautiful summer in 1914 - everything a summer should be. This peaceful atmosphere in Europe had only 24 hours left.
 
The next day, June 28, 1914 was Vidovdan (St. Vitus Day), a most sacred day in Serbian history. It was also the day that an Austrian Archduke and his wife would come visiting and go for a ride in Sarajevo, a city in Bosnia. It was a day they should have chosen to go elsewhere, anywhere, but Bosnia. But then again, it would not have mattered at all. The war planners had already engineered the future, a destiny they believed would turn out in their favor. That's the folly of arrogance, ignorance, and shortsightedness.
 
Will the historical revisionists, in marking this year's centennial of the start of the Great War, The War To End All Wars, merely continue the long running trend of sabotaging the truths of history, instead of taking advantage of this great 100 year milestone to set the historical record straight? Will the Serbians, regardless of all evidence to the contrary, continue to be made the fall guy for the war, thus nullifying even the Versailles Treaty where it was determined unequivocally and with finality who was responsible and accountable for the First World War, and it was not the Serbs. Any historian with integrity and a passion for establishing a valid and truthful historical record should consider this World War One Centennial as an opportunity to rewrite history so that it actually aligns with the reality of the time and the facts.
 
History, just like "Truth", is often dismissed as being "relative".  Is that why we keep getting the wrong "facts" about these cataclysmic events that changed our world forever, "facts" that are predicated on whatever false premise is politically correct at the time?
 
100 years of nonsense is long enough. It's time to reconsider and re-evaluate. And maybe, just maybe, we can get it right, and thus do a great favor for posterity.
 
This day exactly 100 years ago, June 27th in 1914, was a peaceful day in Europe and beyond.  But there had been portents of things to come for many decades before this day, and like anything that simmers under the surface, there's always the tipping point. Always.
 
David Fromkin, in the excerpts I'm sharing below from his book "Europe's Last Summer: Who Started the Great War in 1914?" describes this peaceful time and the context in which the First World War began.
 
As the leaders and politicians and policymakers and the regular, ordinary people of the world all went to sleep on this same night 100 years ago, they could not possibly have known that the very next day the world as they knew it would change forever in more ways than any of them could ever have imagined.
 
As they slept, the tipping point was upon them.
 
 
Sincerely,
Aleksandra Rebic
June 27, 2014
 
*****
 
David Fromkin writes:


"What was the First World War about? How did it happen? Who started it? Why did it break out when and where it did? 'Millions of deaths, and words, later, historians still have not agreed why,' as the "Millenium Special Edition" of The Economist (January 1, 1000-December 31, 1999) remarked, adding that 'none of it need have happened.' From the outset everybody said that the outbreak of war in 1914 was literally triggered by a Bosnian Serb schoolboy when he shot and killed the heir to the Austrian and Hungarian thrones. But practically everybody also agrees that the assassination provided not the cause, but merely the occasion, for first the Balkans, then Europe, and the rest of the earth to take up arms.

“The disproportion between the schoolboy's crime and the conflagration in which the globe was consumed, beginning thirty-seven days later, was too absurd for observers to credit the one as the cause of the other...millions of people could not be losing their lives they felt, because one man and his wife -- two people of whom many of them had never heard -- had lost theirs. It did not seem possible. It could not, everyone said, be true.

“Because the Great War was so enormous an event and so fraught with consequences, and because we want to keep anything similar from happening in the future, the inquiry as to how it occurred has become not only the most challenging but also the biggest question in modern history. But it remains elusive. In the words of the historian Laurence Lafore, 'the war was many things, not one, and the meanings of the word 'cause' are also many.'"[1]

“To the man or woman in the streets of the Western world -- someone who was alive in the vibrant early years of the twentieth century -- nothing would have seemed further away than war. In those years men who dreamed of battlefield adventure had been hard pressed to find a war in which they could participate. In the year 1901, and the thirteen years that followed, the peoples of western Europe and the English speaking Americas were becoming consumers rather than warriors. They looked forward to more: more progress, more prosperity, more peace. The United States at that time (commented an English observer) 'sailed upon a summer sea,' but so did Great Britain, France, and others. There had been no war among the Great Powers for nearly half a century, and the globalization of the world economy suggested that war had become a thing of the past. The culmination of those years in the hot, sun-drenched, gorgeous summer of 1914, the most beautiful in living memory, was remembered by many Europeans as a kind of Eden.”[2]

[1]Fromkin, David. Europe's Last Summer: Who Started the Great War in 1914?, p. 8

[2]Fromkin, David. Europe's Last Summer: Who Started the Great War in 1914?, p. 12


These history changing events and their long-term impact will be featured in the upcoming book "Heroes of Serbia" by Aleksandra Rebic.

*****

If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at heroesofserbia@yahoo.com

*****

HONORING THE BATTLE OF KOSOVO AND THE SACRIFICE OF THE CHRISTIAN SERBIANS - VIDOVDAN (St. Vitus Day) JUNE 28 - AND ITS LESSONS FOR TODAY / By Aleksandra Rebic June 28, 2014

$
0
0
Kosovo Icon
 
Saint Lazar
 
 
HONORING THE BATTLE OF KOSOVO
AND THE SACRIFICE OF THE CHRISTIAN SERBIANS -
VIDOVDAN (St. Vitus Day) JUNE 28 -
AND ITS LESSONS FOR TODAY.
Serbia had indeed reached her pinnacle. Under the leadership of strong and able rulers, she had progressed and flourished during the Middle Ages, and her lands in the Balkans had advanced culturally, spiritually, and politically to make her a powerful and established empire in the Balkans. She would not, however, be allowed to enjoy her status for too long, as competing empires had their sights on her lands, her people, her resources and her very soul. It was the legacy of this glorious period in Serbia’s history that so became imprinted on her national consciousness that no matter how powerful or ruthless an oppressor came along in the future, and there would be many, she would endure and prevail.

In his book “The Serbians”, Author Paul Pavlovich describes this phenomenon:

“….[King/Tsar] Dusan’s tremendous achievement was his building up of national pride in the Serbians of his day, as well as in all of those later generations of Serbians who were, during the centuries of misery and foreign subjugation, to look back on Dusan as a constant inspiration which gave them the fortitude to persist and carry on. The Serbs of the future centuries found solace in that source of pride and inner strength while they were outwardly being driven to the ground by the foreign empires (Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian) or the great powers of Europe (Britain, France, Germany, Russia). For it was soon after the reign of Dusan, and until well into the 19th century, that Serbs were not to be independent to guide their destinies, and it was during this long fight for survival that Serbs were to remind themselves of the glorious past: the whole Nemanya period had been the golden period of medieval Serbian history, and Dusan’s contribution to that period had been its crowning zenith…

"…I, for one, would argue that Dusan’s accomplishments played their most important role during the latter centuries of Serbian history, as the foundation of Serb pride and soul-building, which as stood them in good stead to this very day…” (Pavlovich, Paul. The Serbians, pp. 45-46)

Arguably, the primary problem of the great Dusan’s reign, which may have contributed to the eventual break up of the Serbian Empire, is that he didn’t establish a smooth succession to his throne. Tsar Dusan had been a man and ruler of tremendous personal power, and this power provided a “unifying and cohesive force”, even over the newly acquired and conquered lands that had become part of the Serbian Empire during his reign. But, once he was gone, the Serbian Empire would slowly slide into feudal anarchy, plagued by internal instability. As is often the case with states whose territories and conquered lands are ruled by multiple rulers with divergent interests and competing egos, personal conflicts will inevitably erode whatever strength was inherited. This feudal anarchy and internal conflict would make the once seemingly invincible Serbian lands vulnerable. The Turks were indeed coming and with them the suffocating yoke of Islam. The Ottoman Turk sultanate, which was gradually spreading from Asia to Europe and which would conquer and defeat the already broken Byzantium, relegating the once great and vast Byzantine Empire to the ashes of history, had the Serbian Empire and its Christians in its sights.

When Tsar Dusan died, power passed to Dusan’s son Uros II, who was only 19 years old at the time of his father’s death, and Dusan’s half brother Simeon, also a young man. Neither of the young men, now inheritors of the House of Nemanja, had the qualities of those rulers who had preceded them. In 1356, the Byzantines began disassembling what was left of their once great empire. Uros II attempted to keep the centralized system of government in place in the lands over which he ruled, however, Simeon successfully broke away from that centralized government, as did other rulers of their respective territories.  Instead of consolidating both the existing Serbian territories with the newly acquired lands and maintaining a strong, unified front ready and able to withstand any future attack, the new “leaders” created and aggravated the very cracks that would become increasingly advantageous to those that coveted those lands. When Tsar Uros II died in 1371, the great Nemanjic dynasty was finished after two centuries of glorious and exemplary rule.

Among the new ruling class, a new leader would emerge at this time in the northern part of Serbia proper, where Kosovo lay, that would soon become permanently enshrined in history far beyond what he could possibly have foreseen for himself and his legacy. His name was Lazar Hrebeljanovich, Prince Lazar, and he would manage to successfully fix some of the damage that had been done by the feudal anarchy that began to plague the Serbian lands in the mid 14th century. He would manage to unite most of Serbia, through both battle and diplomacy, although reuniting all of Serbia eluded him. Some of the regional feudal lords just would not cooperate. One has to wonder if they had cooperated in Lazar’s noble and necessary unification effort, perhaps the fate of the entire Serbian state might have ended up differently in the pivotal 14th century in the Balkans.

Complete reconciliation between the Eastern Byzantine and Serbian Orthodox Churches, would culminate during Prince Lazar’s rule, which began in 1370. Though this reconciliation of the Eastern Christian Church served to stabilize and strengthen Orthodox Christianity here where it had been born, it would be alone in facing the future Islamic onslaught that was still to come. The Western Christian Church would not step in to help save the Balkans from the Moslem Turks. The Orthodox Christians in the heart of Europe would be left to fight the battle of saving Christianity from the Islamic onslaught alone.

Before the epic Battle of Kosovo in 1389 that would change everything in the Balkans, especially for the Christians, an event preceded it that was a harbinger of the tragedy that was yet to come. By 1371, the ambitious Turks were already firmly established in much of the territory that used to be ruled by Byzantium. What used to be Byzantine lands were now Ottoman lands. At this time, the Ottoman Empire was just beginning the great expansion of the Islamic way of life into south-eastern Europe where the Balkans lay. Their first “base” on European soil had already been established in 1354 at Dardanelles, a narrow international waterway (strait) that together with the Bosporus, connected the Black Sea to the Mediterranean Sea and divided the Balkans (Europe) along the Gallipoli Peninsula from Asia Minor. Who were these new “invaders”?

According to historian Paul Pavlovich,

“There is still much controversy among historians about the origin of Ottomans. For our purposes, it is sufficient to accept the view that the Ottomans found their origin among one of the closely related Turkish groups which invaded Anatolia (part of modern Turkey) in the 13th century. Ottoman is a “political” concept, and the name of the Turkish state and Empire which existed from the 13th century until World War I. The founder of the Ottoman state was Osman (Othman) who established the dynasty that bore his name – Osmanli, or Ottoman.” (Pavlovich, Paul. The Serbians, p. 48)

In 1359, Murad I, the first Turkish Sultan, which was the equivalent of “Emperor” or “Tsar”, came to power, and by this time, the Ottomans had proven themselves superior over their Christian adversaries. They achieved this advantage by being well organized militarily and by having an effectively mobile light cavalry. Had the western Christian powers united with the eastern Christian powers at this time, it is unlikely that the Ottomans would have been as successful, but such a unified Christian Front was not to be.

The Ottoman advance into the Balkans would also be aided by the feudal conflicts and battles resulting from the political anarchy that plagued the Balkans at this crucial time and by Hungarian and Venetian interference in Balkan affairs. Could Islam have been stopped from reaching and enveloping the heart of Europe for centuries to come? Had the above mentioned points not been a factor, the answer could have been yes.

The Ottomans were well aware of the Serbian fighting spirit. They knew that Serbs were courageous and able warriors. But to get what they wanted in the Balkans, the Turks would have to face these courageous and able Christian warriors and beat them. Murad’s soldiers were preparing to face the Serbs at Maritsa River in 1371 (near the village of Chernomen which was today's Ormenio in Greece). This river flowed through Bulgaria, Greece and Turkey. By this time, the Serbs and Byzantines had successfully “reconciled”, with peace and good will having been restored between their churches due to the efforts of Tsar Dusan’s widowed Empress Helena and Serbian leader Despot Jovan Uglješawho both knew that the common enemy, the Turks, could be faced better with a united front.

Uglješa’s brother King Vukashin and Vukashin’s son Prince Marko, who would become the legendary “Kraljevich Marko”, came to help Uglješa at the Maritsa River.This great battle would take place on the terrible night of September 26, 1371. The battle would only last this one solitary night, ending by the dawn of the next day, but it was marked by a vicious storm passing through that overwhelmed the entire area with incredible amounts of rainfall that would swell the Maritsa River and swallow the dead bodies of the Serbian warriors and their horses who were massacred that night. Among the massacred Serbs were the brave Despot Jovan Uglješaand King Vukashin. It is worthy to note this tradition of Serbian leaders, regardless of their status and whether or not they were royalty, being willing to fight in the trenches with their men. They did not leave the fighting just to their soldiers, but rather joined them in battle, either celebrating victory with them or dying with them.

During this one stormy, singular night in September on the Maritsa River, the disarray that had befallen the Serbs after Tsar Dusan’s death over a period of just 15 years, came to terrible fruition. For the Ottoman Turks, the Battle of the Maritsa River was the beginning of their mastery over not just the Serbs, but most of the Southern Slavs as well, which was to last for the next half a millennium to come. Virtually overnight, the Turks became lords of Thessaly (northern Greece) and all the lands as far west as Albania.  The newly expanded territory and power of the Ottomans resulted in the Christian rulers and their peoples living on those lands which bordered on the ever expanding Islamic Empire, being made Turkish vassals, essentially in servitude to the Moslem victors.

This would not be the last significant battle fought between the Moslem Turks and the Christian Serbs. Another, far more epic and far reaching battle remained to be fought in the future, and that one would be even more decisive and pivotal. Serbia, what was left of her, would continue to “exist” for another 88 years after the Battle of the Maritsa River. Instead of consolidating her remaining “free territories” to become one strong unified state, with a centralized system of government, however, she would continue to be comprised by her own different despots in charge of administering the different areas just as she had been prior to the Turkish victory at the Maritsa.

Those lands that were not taken over by the Turks yet at this time were ruled by notable Serbs whose names would become permanently etched in the history of the period. King Vukashin’s son, Prince Marko (“Kraljevich Marko”), survived the Battle at the Maritsa, but was forced into becoming a dreaded Turkish vassal, and ruled over the city of Prilep. Vuk Brankovich, who would soon become infamous, established his rule around Prishtina and Skopye, but his rule would not last long. The most legendary of the new rulers would be the already mentioned Prince Lazar, (Lazar Hrebeljanovich), who was born in 1329 and whose father had been one of Tsar Dusan’s court officials. His distant connection to the Nemanjic dynasty would come by way of his marriage to Militsa in 1353, who was the daughter of one of the military nobles who had served Dushan. Prince Lazar would come to rule over the most northern areas of Serbia - the Morava River Valley. His rule would extend as far as the Sava and Danube Rivers. The heart of Serbia, her soul, which was Kosovo, lay here.

Lazar’s territory began to feel the threat for real in 1381 when the first Turkish raids in northern Serbia began. The pivotal invasion would come on a Tuesday, eight years later. That Tuesday, June 28, 1389, would become probably the single most important date in all of Serbian history, and the impact of the events of that single day would not only effect the Serbians and their lands, but all of the Balkans and the future of Europe as well. It is impossible to quantify all of the collateral impact of the Kosovo Battle in 1389 on the “Field of Blackbirds”, but as a result of Ottoman Empire domination in the Balkans, the Serbs would become essential pawns and players in the eyes of other states and empires to the north and to the east. The power play that would result would have international consequences far beyond the Balkans.
The Turks won the battle. The Serbs lost the battle. Murad I lost his life. So did Prince Lazar. And so did the entire Serbian Army of Christians who faced down the Moslem Ottoman invaders and perished doing so. How do you adequately explain the Battle of Kosovo and all that this one battle meant, not just to the Serbians, but to all of Christianity? To the Serbs, you don’t have to.
Back when the land of Kosovo was still an integral part of the Republic of Serbia, historians Alex N. Dragnich and Slavko Todorovich gave us a history of Kosovo which included the following attempt to define this very special place that’s permanently etched in the Christian Serbian heart and consciousness for eternity:

“Although the problem of Kosovo is complex and complicated, for about one-half of Yugoslavia’s population, the Serbs, it is not. To them Kosovo is holy ground. It is the cradle of their nationhood, when they were virtually its sole occupants. It was the center of Serbia’s empire in the Middle Ages, at one time the strongest empire in the Balkans. It was in Kosovo in 1389 that Ottoman forces won the crucial battle with the Serbs, leading to the end of their empire. But Kosovo is also the place where Serbia’s most historic and religious monuments are located…a symbol of the Serbs’ identity, their greatness, and the hope of their ultimate resurrection.”(Dragnich, Alex N. and Slavko Todorovich, The Saga of Kosovo)

"Free" Serbia, as such, would continue to “exist” until 1459 when the Serbian lands finally and completely fell to the Turks, and a whole new chapter in Serbian history began that was to last for several centuries.  During those centuries, Serbs would become integral to the “Eastern Question” involving another great empire, that of Russia.  They would become increasingly significant to the Austrians, who would not only use and covet the Serbs as able warriors to keep the Turks from the gates of Vienna, but who would come to have their own self-serving agenda with regards to the Serbian lands. This “western” agenda would continue to escalate after the Turkish “invaders” from the East had been vanquished and it was this agenda that would culminate in consequences for the entire world in the Twentieth Century and beyond. How far back in history the evolution of this “western” agenda can be traced is probably from the very beginning of the Serbian presence on the Balkan Peninsula in the 7th Century, but this agenda would come increasingly into focus many centuries later as the resilient Serbs began successfully rising up against centuries of Ottoman subjugation and seeking the Unification of all the Serbian Lands, a national dream no different than that of the other peoples and nations of Europe.

It was when they were finally able to shake off the last vestiges of Ottoman rule and liberate themselves from their vassalage and subjugation almost five centuries after the Battle of Kosovo that the Serbians would come to be looked upon not just as pawns or “assets”, but as true contenders.  As with all contenders, they would make new enemies, this time in the west, who no longer just perceived them as a barrier to Eastern encroachment, but as a threat to western interests and intentions and what they coveted.

There would be no rest for the Serbians, whether in defeat or in victory. Such would be the fate of the valiant people who had settled in the crossroad between East and West and who would pay dearly for making their home in the Balkans.


Aleksandra Rebic
June 28, 2014


*****

If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at heroesofserbia@yahoo.com

*****

Andrićgrad: Otkriven mozaik posvećen Gavrilu Principu i mladobosancima / "Andricgrad" June 28, 2014

$
0
0
www.andricgrad.com
June 28, 2014

 
Tri mjeseca, kamen po kamen, najbolji srpski mozaičari slagali su mozaik koji je inspirisan stihovima rečenice koja se pripisuje Gavrilu Principu: „Naše će sjene hodati po Beču, lutati po dvoru, plašiti gospodu“.

Mozaik je izveden u želji da se ovjekovječi sjećanje na mladiće koji su dali svoj život za ideale slobode – alegorijski predstavljene na prvom mozaiku. Ova kompozicija je posvećena neopipljivoj i razumom neuhvatljivoj ideji samožrtvovanja.

Na početku ceremonije, Emir Kusturica je rekao da je Princip junak srpskog naroda.

„Ja sam se dugo pitao šta bi bilo da je Štraus video da je Gavrilo imao plave oči, da li bi se pesma ‘Na lepom plavom Dunavu’ zvala ‘Na lepim plavim očima‘“ , – rekao je Kusturica.

Poručio je i da večeras ceo svet može da slavi zaraznu reč „sloboda“.

Okupljenima se obratio i akademik matija Bećković koji je ocenio da se u Andrićgradu „ukrštaju visoka kultura i nepokolobljiva vera“.

„Ovo je grad gde su ponovo zbraćeni Mehmed i Makarije, paša i patrijarh srpske crkve, obnovitelj Pećke patrijaršije koja je stavila srpski narod pod jedan krov i taj krov traje do dana današnjeg“ , – rekao je je Bećković.

On je rekao da je to što je car Lazar izabrao carstvo nebesko, umjesto carstva zemaljskog, „najdalekosežniji izbor u srpskoj istoriji i subini“.

„To se dogodilo pre 625 Vidovdana, koji je srpski praznik od pamtiveka, a taj dan je sve od tada ostao ono što slavimo, a to je da je crkva jedan krov, Vidovdan jedan dan, Kosovo jedno polje, božur jedan jedini cvet“ , – rekao je Bećković.

Na mozaiku su prikazani  (s leva na desno) pripadnici Mlade Bosne: Bogdan Žerajic, Gavrilo Princip, Trifun Grabež, Nedeljko Čabrinović, Vasa Čubrilović, Danilo Ilić, Mihajlo Pušara, Veljko Čubrilovic, Milenko Jovanović.

Figure su predstavljene realistično, uklopljene u onirički ambijent koji naginje duhu romantizma. Kompozicija je pokušaj svojevrsne vizuelizacije navedene rečenice Gavrila Principa, uz metaforičku nadgradnju prikazivanjem mitološke predstave otmice Evrope, koja u ovom slučaju može simbolisati autističnu, sladunjavu lepotu Bečkog dvora, izgrađenog na muci potlačenih naroda, a istovremeno podsjeća da su kuturne tekovine Evrope često žrtve sirovih nagona i zakona jačeg.

U pozadini se nalazi dvorac Belvedere, oko kojeg se „viju sjeni“ onih koji ne zaboravljaju i koji neće biti zaboravljeni, a djevojka na Biku predstavlja Evropu.

Mozaik je izrađen u rekordnom roku, prema likovnom rešenju Bisenije Tereščenko, uz tim akademskih slikara Maje Đurović, Tatjana Benderać Vučićević, Olivera Nikolić, Jelice Durković, Josipe Miletić, Gordane Jovanović, a na pripremi kamena radio Žarko Lepojević sa timom pomoćnika. Montažu i retuširnje izveo akademski slikar, magistar mozaika Risto Vujović, sa timom pomoćnika.

Širi idejni okvir mozaika dao je prof. Emir Kusturica, na osnovu čega je Bisenija Tereščenko, kao autor, nacrtala skice-predloške, koji su kroz konsultacije sa Kusturicom razrađivane i usvajane.

Za ovaj mozaik dužine osam i po metara i širine tri i po metra trebalo je na sitne komade isjeći i umjetnički oblikovati više od dvije tone kamena. Mozaik je postavljen na zgradi bioskopa u Ulici Mlade Bosne u Andrićgradu.

U okviru programa nastupili su muzičari Nemanja Radulović i Aleksandar Sedlar. Izvedena je i rekonstrukcija Sarajevskog atentata u scenskom prikazu u tri čina „Pobunjeni anđeli„, rađenom prema ideji Emira Kusturice.


http://www.andricgrad.com/2014/06/andricgrad-otkriven-mozaik-posvecen-gavrilu-principu-i-mladobosancima/

*****

If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at heroesofserbia@yahoo.com

*****

THE TOWN THAT EMIR KUSTURICA BUILT [ANDRICGRAD] / "Financial Times" [UK] June 27, 2014

$
0
0
Financial Times
By Peter Aspden
June 27, 2014

A century after Gavrilo Princip fired the fatal shot in Sarajevo, the Serbian film director explains why the extraordinary town he has built is a ‘symbol of pacifism’ .

On the Gavrilo Princip mural, the slogan
(partly missing in the photo above) reads:
‘Our shadows will be wandering through Vienna,
strolling through the court, frightening the lords’
©Matt Lutton/Boreal Collective

One hundred years ago today [June 28, 1914], a 19-year-old Bosnian Serb, Gavrilo Princip, ambushed and assassinated Archduke Franz Ferdinand, heir to the Austro-Hungarian throne, in the streets of Sarajevo, an event that triggered the beginning of the first world war.
 
The details of the killing read like farce: another attempt on the archduke had failed earlier in the day and his car had taken a wrong turning before encountering Princip, whose two shots also killed Franz Ferdinand’s wife Sophie. Princip himself twice tried to commit suicide but bungled it. He escaped the death penalty because of his tender years but died in prison in April 1918, a few months before the end of the war he had helped bring into being.
 
The anniversary will be commemorated on Saturday with due solemnity in Sarajevo, present-day capital of Bosnia and Herzegovina. A series of cultural events will be led by a concert from the Vienna Philharmonic Orchestra, in a spirit of co-operation between two countries whose enmity led to the assassination, and to the war. A modest plaque on a street corner marks the spot where Princip took his deadly aim. On the day I visited, there were two burning candles in front of it. Apart from that, there will be little mention of the figure who has been routinely denounced as a terrorist.
 
A couple of hours east of Sarajevo, on the border between the Serbian part of Bosnia, the Republika Srpska, and Serbia itself, another commemoration is planned. This one, devised by the Serbian film director Emir Kusturica, in the town of Andricgrad, by contrast places the young assassin at the centre of events. For Serbs, Princip was a revolutionary hero whose actions constituted an act of rebellion against an empire that was suppressing his people. The commemoration will consist of a “dramatic reconstruction” of the day’s events, and Princip’s subsequent trial.
 
There will also be an unveiling of a mosaic of Princip and his colleagues from the Young Bosnia movement. The mosaic shows Princip with a soft, pacific expression. “Look,” says Kusturica, 59, pointing to his figure. “I never knew he had blue eyes!”
 
The slogan at the bottom of the mosaic reproduces the less-than-pacific last words scrawled by Princip in his cell before his death: “Our shadows will be walking through Vienna, strolling through the court, frightening the lords”.
 
Kusturica, twice-garlanded with the Palme d’Or at Cannes for his highly acclaimed films When Father Was Away on Business (1985) and Underground (1995), says the assassination was first and foremost an act of political liberation against an illegal regime. “It is funny,” he says with combative sarcasm, “how the BBC and CNN showed us the fall of Saddam Hussein – a tyrant; Gaddafi – a tyrant. Apparently Franz Ferdinand wasn’t a tyrant. But he was.”
 
The contrast between the two views of Princip summarises the way in which history is politicised in this highly charged part of the world. The first world war was far from the end of the region’s problems, however; it was only a recycling of centuries-old inter-ethnic rivalries that continue to this day.
 
. . .
 
I am speaking to Kusturica in the Ivo Andric Institute, in the centre of Andricgrad. Both building and town have been named after the Serbian author (1892-1975), who won the 1961 Nobel Prize in Literature. If both the building and its pristine surrounds have an oddly antiseptic look about them, it is because they are brand new. Today’s unveiling of the Princip mosaic is also the official opening of a town. The Republika Srpska’s tourist organisation, which has high hopes for Andricgrad as a visitor attraction, is hosting my trip.
 
The project began when Kusturica had the idea of revivifying a nondescript part of the town of Visegrad by putting up new buildings devoted to cultural and educational projects. He has made it happen in three years, at a cost of $17m, garnered from public and private sources. “That,” he says emphatically, “is much less than the cost of many movies.”
 
Built on a small peninsula between the rivers Drina and Rzav, with riverside views that would have estate agents salivating, Andricgrad is entered through an arch, where the visitor is confronted by a dizzying variety of architectural styles. On the left, an Islamic (non-practising) mosque and minaret, with a caravanserai in the adjacent square; on the right, a Byzantine-style edifice. A small Austro-Hungarian section of buildings confirms the route we are taking is a potted history of Visegrad. “I didn’t follow any architectural rules, I followed my instincts, like the ancient Greeks,” says Kusturica as he shows me around. It is a cross between a film set, a theme park and a folly. The high street is dominated by a cinema and opens out into a wide square containing a café called Goya, after Andric’s favourite painter. Opposite there is an ice-cream parlour, inside which there are giant portraits of the Apache leader Geronimo, Gandhi, Fidel Castro, Che Guevara, and Vladimir Putin. When I tell Kusturica it is one of the most surreal locations I have ever seen, he laughs out loud. The portraits, he says, are “an exhibition by an artist based in New York. Imagine – Geronimo and Putin, put together by a New Yorker!” Kusturica, whose favourite film directors are Federico Fellini, Andrei Tarkovsky and Stanley Kubrick, is no stranger to surrealism.
 
“I think the city is the strongest social memory organ of humanity,” explains the film-maker when I ask him what prompted him to move from creating film sets to real places. He describes Andricgrad as his “biggest achievement”. “By making this time-machine city, we are respecting all the influences that have shaped this place over the centuries. Except that we have added the Renaissance form of wide public squares, which never happened here, because of the Ottoman occupation. Squares where people meet and talk about issues. Because in the Balkans, we use squares just to regroup, and then go to destroy something.”
 
. . .
 
Andricgrad is Kusturica’s personal homage to Andric, whose acclaimed novel, The Bridge on the Drina (1945) is a beautifully written historical account of the changing fortunes of Visegrad over four centuries, encompassing foreign occupation, religious conflict, war, revolution and love. Kusturica, and many others besides, describes it as a “masterpiece”, which has motivated “all my projects, and shaped my views of this country’s past”.
 
The eponymous bridge is an architectural tour de force, built in 1577 by Mehmed Pasa Sokolovic, grand vizier of the Ottoman Empire, who had been born a Serb in a nearby village, taken to Turkey to become a janissary at the age of 15, and risen through the army ranks. The bridge was a token of remembrance towards his homeland and is the central character in Andric’s novel, both meeting place for the town’s inhabitants and witness to its fluctuating fortunes.
 
One does not have to reach far into history to find examples of the terrors that the bridge has seen unravel before it. During the Bosnian war of the 1990s, Visegrad was a notorious example of the ethnic cleansing policy pursued by Bosnian Serbs towards the Bosnian Muslim population. Hundreds were massacred. Before the war, the town’s population was about two-thirds Muslim; today there are virtually none left.
 
There is no mention of any of this in Andricgrad or Visegrad. Of the people I spoke to involved in Kusturica’s project, including the director himself, none referred to the events of 20 years ago, delving far more comfortably into more distant history. It is not uncommon here for any conversation on religious conflict to begin in the medieval period and dribble away somewhere after the second world war. Kusturica, who was born into a Muslim family in Sarajevo but converted to the Orthodox church in 2005, was a controversial figure during the war in Yugoslavia. He filmed Underground, a rambunctious wartime fable centring on the fate of two best friends from the 1940s to the 1990s, during the course of the conflict, and was widely condemned for his refusal to condemn Serbian atrocities. (One of his most vociferous critics, the French academic Alain Finkielkraut, confessed after his attack on Underground to not even having seen the film, arguing that “that offensive and stupid falsification of the traitor taking the palm of martyrdom had to be denounced immediately”.)
 
Kusturica says shooting the film was “suicidal. I was struggling to survive. It was not easy for me. But I knew what I was doing. It was a testament to a country that vanished. Yugoslavia was the best solution for all of us.” The most widely-held criticism of Kusturica is that he refuses in his work to provide any political context to the events in his homeland, preferring, instead, to portray a savagery among its people that appears almost innate. In this, he is not so dissimilar from his hero, Ivo Andric. In Andric’s short story “Letter from 1920”, published in 1946, a young Jewish doctor from Sarajevo writes a letter to explain to a childhood friend why he had left Bosnia. “Bosnia is a country of hatred,” he begins. “Lack of understanding, periodically spilling over into open hatred, is the general characteristic of its people. The rifts between the different faiths are so deep that hatred alone can sometimes succeed in crossing them . . . You are condemned to live on deep layers of explosive which are lit from time to time by the very sparks of your loves and your fiery and violent emotion.” At one point during the writing of the story, Andric considered setting it in the future rather than the past. He nearly called it “Letter from 1992”.
 
Can Andricgrad change any of this? Kusturica, who is resolutely unsentimental in conversation, declares himself an optimist, though he shares some of Andric’s cynicism. In “Letter from 1920”, he says, Andric was trying “to explore the roots of our atavistic nature, trying to touch the button from which we go so wild.” The same could be said of Underground. He is dismissive of those who talk too glibly of multicultural crossroads, which is achievable, he says, in “the stable world of empires but not so easily when you are living on the outskirts”.
 
The creation of Andricgrad, with its commitment to cultural activities and to providing a multinational platform for debate, is a shamelessly idealistic project. The town, says Kusturica, should be “a symbol of pacifism . . . the heart that has to beat a great idea, to encourage eastern Bosnia as a symbol of peace”. But for every benign intention, he adds a bracing note of realism. “I am a man with a lot of passion,” he says. “I will always fight for peace. But, unfortunately, it is war that drives us forward. It is war that makes the major turns. It makes Wall Street function, it makes all the bastards in the Balkans function. What would happen if an angel appeared before the American president and told him there was no more need for war? Everything would collapse.”
 
. . .
 
We walk around the town for a little while. Kusturica is often stopped by visitors who ask for their children to be photographed next to him. I ask a local journalist what he makes of Andricgrad and he describes it as a “miracle”. I tell Kusturica that I visited the cinema the night before and had seen a film that hadn’t yet opened in London. He looks the happiest he has been all day. “Make sure you write that down!” he says.
 
The finishing touches are being applied to the mural of Princip and the Young Bosnians, which Kusturica says is meant to be “in the spirit of Delacroix”. Next to it there is another mural, more in the spirit of a mock-heroic cartoon: it shows Kusturica and Milorad Dodik, president of the Republika Srpska, pulling on a rope, hauling the bricks that will build Andricgrad. Any pretensions of grandeur are subverted by the figure of Serbian tennis player Novak Djokovic, a friend of Kusturica, observing the scene quizzically in the background.
 
Andricgrad is built for the future, and for culture. Kusturica hopes to build a new university there, in addition to the Andric Institute for Slavic languages, an academy of fine arts, and a theatre. But for every move forward, there seems to be more than a selective backward glance. Today’s commemoration of Sarajevo’s assassination is loaded with political resonance. Kusturica is determined the event should not be hijacked by “revisionist historians” who would shift blame for the first world war towards Serbian aggression. Remembrance is everything but can it, in this febrile corner of Europe, ever be prevented from spilling into recrimination?
 
We take a boat ride down the river Drina. Kusturica points to the poverty of the urban mise en scène on the banks, next to which Andricgrad seems to glow with prestige. His pride is palpable. About an hour into our journey, he points to a small church, built, he explains, to commemorate the massacre of 6,000 Serbs by the pro-Nazi Croatian Ustasha during the second world war. He says he wants to open a restaurant on the other side of the bank. During our return to Andricgrad, he informs me the river is “very dangerous”. Because of its currents, I ask him? “No. Because of everything that has happened here.”
 
 
Peter Aspden is the FT’s arts writer
Additional research by Tatjana Mitevska
 
 
 
*****
 
If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at heroesofserbia@yahoo.com
 
*****
 

Престолонаследник и Принцеза на Видовдан на отварању комплекса Андрићград у Републици Српској June 28, 2014 / Serbian Crown Prince and Crown Princess at St. Vitus Day opening of Andricgrad in Republika Srpska

$
0
0
www.royalfamily.org
June 28, 2014

Њихова Краљевска Височанства Престолонаследник Александар II и Принцеза Катарина присуствовали су данас отварању Андрићграда, јединственог пројекта српске, али и европске и светске културе на обали Дрине крај Вишеграда у Републици Српској.

 
Његова Светост Патријарх српски Г. Иринеј, уз саслужење Његовог Високопреосвештенства Митрополита загребачко – љубљанског и целе Италије Г. Порфирија, Преосвећене Господе Епископа захумско – херцеговачког Г. Григорија, аустралијско – новозеландског Г. Иринеја, канадског Г. Георгија, новограчаничког и средњезападноамеричког Г. Лонгина,стобијског Г. Давида, монаштва и свештенства Српске Православне Цркве, у јутарњим часовима служио је Свету архијерејску литургију и освештао Храм Светог Цара Лазара и косовских мученика. Поред Краљевског Пара Литургији је присуствовао и Њ.Е. г-дин Милорад Додик, председник Републике Српске, Њ.Е. г-дин Станимир Вукићевић, амбасадор Србије у Босни и Херцеговини, многе угледне званице из земље и иностранства, и велики број верника. Патријарх Иринеј је одликовао Њ.Е. г-дина Милорада Додика, председника Републике Српске и г-дина Емира Кустурицу, иницијатора и идејног творца пројекта изградње Андрићграда орденом Светог Краља Милутина.
 
По завршетку Литургије, г-дин Емир Кустурица, члан Крунског савета, провео је Њихова Краљевска Височанства и друге важне госте кроз Андрићград. Затим је Краљевски пар присуствовао прослави Славе Војске Републике Српске у манастиру Добрун.
 
У поподневним часовима званично је отворен Андрићград. Свечаности су присуствовали и Њ.Е. г-дин Александар Вучић, председник Владе Србије, Њ.Е. г-дин Ивица Дачић, први потпредседник Владе и министар спољних послова Србије, Њ.Е. г-дин Никола Селаковић, министар правде, Њ.Е. г-дин Александар Вулин, министар рада, запошљавања, борачких и социјалних питања, Њ.Е. г-дин Велимир Илић, министар без портфеља задужен за ванредне ситуације, Њ.Е. др Горан Мутабџија, министар образовања и културе Републике Српске, г-дин Матија Бећковић, члан Српске Академије наука и уметности и члан Крунског савета, и многи други угледни гости.
 
Увече ће бити отворена и два студентска дома у Андрићграду, а биће одржан и концерт бенда „Забрањено пушење“, промовисана књига „Сарајевски атентат – повратак документима“ аутора Мирослава Перишића, у издању Андрићевог института и Архива Србије, и биће приказан филм „Атентат, Сарајево 1914“ аустријског редитеља Андреаса Прохаске.
 
 



 












 
Their Royal Highnesses Crown Prince Alexander and Crown Princess Katherine attended today the opening of Andricgrad, a unique project of Serbian, but also European and World Culture on the banks of the Drina River near Visegrad in Republika Srpska.
 
His Holiness Patriarch Irinej of Serbia, together with Bishops from Republika Srpska and Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia and the Diaspora, officiated a Holy Liturgy with His Eminence Metropolitan of Zagreb and Ljubljana and whole Italy Porfirije, Their Graces Bishops Grigorije of Zahumlje and Herzegovina, Irinej of Australia and New Zealand, Georgije of Canada, Longin of New Gracanica and Mid West America, Bishop David of Stobi and consecrated the Church of St. Tsar Lazar and Kosovo Martyrs. Beside the Royal Couple, Liturgy was attended by HE Mr. Milorad Dodik President of Republika Srpska, HE Mr Stanimir Vukicevic, Ambassador of Serbia to Bosnia and Herzegovina, distinguished guests from the country and abroad, and lot of faithful. Patriarch Irinej decorated HE Mr Milorad Dodik, President of Republika Srpska and Mr Emir Kusturica who initiated and designed building of Andricgrad with order of St. King Milutin.
 
After the Liturgy, Mr Emir Kusturica, the world famous film director and member of the Crown Council, guided Their Royal Highnesses through Andricgrad together with other important guests. Their Royal Highnesses then attended celebration of St. Patron’s Day (Slava) of the Army of Republika Srpska at Dobrun Monastery.
 
In the afternoon Their Royal Highnesses attended official opening of Andricgrad. This ceremony was also attended by HE Mr Aleksandar Vucic, Prime Minister of Serbia, HE Mr Ivica Dacic, deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs of Serbia, HE Mr Nikola Selakovic, Minister of Justice, HE Mr Aleksandar Vulin, Minister of Labour, employment, veteran and social affairs, HE Mr Velimir Ilic, Minister without portfolio responsible for emergency situations, HE Dr Goran Mutabdzija, Minister of Education and Culture of Republika Srpska, and many other distinguished guests.
 
In the evening two students dorms will be opened, and “No smoking orchestra” will have a concert. The Book “Sarajevo assassination – back to documents” by Miroslav Perisic, published by the Andric Institute and Archives of Serbia will be launched, as well as “Das Attentat: Sarajevo 1914” film by Austrian director Andreas Prochaska.
 
The programme of the whole day ceremonies was designed by Mr Emir Kusturica, and realized by director Milan Neskovic.
 
 
 
 
*****
 
If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at heroesofserbia@yahoo.com
 
*****
 

“Why do Serbs celebrate defeat?” KOSOVO AND THE KINGDOM OF HEAVEN / By Nebojsa Malic "Reiss Institute" June 27, 2014

$
0
0
Reiss Institute
Nebojsa Malic
June 27, 2014

The Battle of Kosovo 1389
Artist: Uroš Predić
 
“Why do Serbs celebrate defeat?” comes the question, every June 28.

The short and simple answer is, they don’t. But a longer and more complicated answer is needed to explain it properly.

June 28 (or 15th, in the Julian calendar), Vidovdan, is the date on which the Orthodox Christian host of Prince Lazar confronted and battled the Ottoman Turks at the Field of Kosovo in 1389. At the end of the day, both Lazar and the Turkish sultan Murat I were dead, and the Turks had left the field. Initial reports, in fact, spoke of a great Christian victory.

With Catholic Hungary seeking to exploit Serbia’s weakness after the battle, Lazar’s widow and young son agreed to become vassals of the Turks. But in 1402, when Murad’s heir Bayezid I was defeated and captured by Tamerlane, Prince Stefan broke off and received the blessing of the Byzantine Emperor to become a despot (in the Byzantine meaning of the word, i.e. “ruler”) of Serbia. Stefan’s state would last till the actual Turkish conquest in 1459, following the fall of Constantinople. Between Lazar and Tamerlane, the Ottoman conquest of the Balkans had been halted for about six decades.

Under the long dark time of the Ottoman yoke (1459-1804), the Serbs kept an oral history through epic poetry, half-recited and half-sung over the mournful wail of the single-string gusle. Certain poetic license was taken with history in these songs: thus Lazar, a powerful prince, became a Tsar – even though the Serbs only had one real tsar, Stefan Dušan (“the Mighty”), and his empire had been split by squabbling nobles afterwards. Lazar wasn’t even a king – that title belonged to the two brothers, Vukašin and Uglješa, who perished in 1371 when their host was ambushed by the Turks at Maritza, in present-day Bulgaria. Another bit of poetic license was the reinterpretation of the battle’s outcome. From a Pyrrhic victory of the Serbs, it became a triumph of the Turks – but only because Lazar had made a choice of the Kingdom of Heaven for himself and all the Serbs.

This is the story of Christ, played out by the princes of Serbdom, and the Turks in the role of Pontius Pilate. There is even a Judas, in the figure of Vuk Branković (though history suggests this analogy isn’t entirely fair). That the slandered captain Obilić proved his worth by slaying the Turkish sultan is a particular Serbian twist. Nonetheless, it is very important that the poem concludes:

“all was holy, honorable,
and fitting in the eyes of God.”

When the guslari sang of “Tsar Lazar” choosing the Kingdom of Heaven and setting out to die, they weren’t being literal about it. Lazar did not forsake his family, people and land for some insane dream of personal glory; quite the opposite. He went to battle against a mighty Turkish host secure in the knowledge that whatever happens, win or lose, his willingness to sacrifice would seal a covenant between the Serbs and God, and thus preserve his people forever. And so it did.

The field of Kosovo thus became hallowed ground, a place where Lazar and his knights defined Serbdom through their sacrifice. That idea survived all borders, conquerors, oppression and injustice over the centuries, and enabled Serbia’s eventual resurrection.

Kosovo was the first and last time a Turkish sultan was killed in battle. It took another 70 years for the Turks to finally conquer the last of Serbia. The Serbs continued to revolt, resist and raid the Turkish-held lands from borderlands (Krajina, Grenze) held by Venice, Hungary and Austria, even as their ancient heartlands were depopulated, despoiled and delivered to Turks, their clients, or converts. By remembering the poetic Kosovo, they kept their faith as a Christian people, survived the centuries of conquest, and eventually won their freedom again. It was the Serbian Uprising of 1804 that set off a century of struggle that would eventually see all Balkans Christians freed, and the Turks driven out of Europe. None of this would have happened without the gallantry of Lazar and his knights on that day in 1389.

So Vidovdan is not a “celebration of defeat”, any more than Good Friday is the “celebration” of the crucifixion of Jesus. The poetry and folk memory of Kosovo are about the given sacrifice of Lazar and his knights, so that Serbdom would endure and be resurrected, just like in the story of Christ. This is what the Serbs mean by the phrase “Heavenly people”.

Enemies of the Serbs have repeatedly chosen June 28 for their symbolic acts of insult or injury:

  • The 1881 signing of the secret treaty subjugating Serbia to Austria;
  • The 1914 visit of Archduke Franz Ferdinand to Bosnia, occupied in 1878 and annexed in 1908;
  • The 1948 breaking of relations between Yugoslavia and the Soviet bloc, by Tito;
  • The 1990 decision of Franjo Tuđman’s regime in Croatia to disenfranchise that republic’s Serbs;
  • The 2001 rendition of Slobodan Milošević to the “War crimes tribunal” by the vassal regime in Belgrade.
Would they have done so if Vidovdan were a day of defeat?

What Lazar and his knights rejected in 1389, and true Serbs continue to reject to this day, is the same promise the Devil tempted Christ with on the mountain:


“all the kingdoms of this world,
and the glory of them” (Matthew, 4:8).

The spurious charge that the Serbs celebrate defeat was concocted by those who either don’t understand Lazar’s choice, or have chosen differently themselves.


Nebojsa Malic
June 27, 2014


http://www.reiss-institute.org/articles/kingdom-of-heaven/

*****

If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me atheroesofserbia@yahoo.com

*****
 

Величанствена прослава 100 година Српске народне одбране у Америци 28. јуна 2014 / "СНО" June 30, 2014

$
0
0
www.snd-us.com
June 30, 2014

У суботу, 28. јуна 2014, на Видовдан, одржана је у Чикагу величанствена прослава 100-годишњице постојања и рада Српске народне одбране у Америци.

Прослава 100-годишњице постојања и рада
Српске народне одбране у Америци

У препуној великој сали једног од највећих хотела у Чикагу и посебно уређених за ову прилику српско расејање одало је захвално признање за вековни рад ове организације Срба на америчком континенту. То је својим благословом и захвалношћу учинио у име Српске православне цркве Његово Преосвештенство Епископ новограчанички-средњезападноамерички Г. Лонгин, а потом је и председник СНО Славко Пановић подсетио у свом говору о добрим делима које је СНО кроз век постојања чинила с обавезом да то чини и даље „до следећег оваквог јубилеја“.

Публици се обратио и Генерални конзул Републике Србије г. Дејан Радуловић, а посебно подсећање на оснивача и првог председника Српске народне одбране у Америци, професора др Михајла Пупина, великог српског и америчког проналазача, учинила је својим говором Др. Јасмина Вујић, професор нуклеарне физике на Беркли Универзитету Калифорније.

Специјални гост из Отаџбине на овом јубиларном скупу био је г. Војислав Михаиловић, унук Ђенерала Драже Михаиловића, као личност и потомак Ђенерала коме је СНО у Америци пружила велику материјалну и моралну подршку током Другог св. рата и за чије се откривање гробног места СНО у Америци посебно заузела.

Пошто је у том дану спојена и традиција српског народа, Видовдан, а то је и Слава СНО у Америци, и овај јубилеј, то је најпре у прелепом манастиру Пресвете Богородице, Новој Грачаници, одржана Архијерејска литургија на којој је началствовао Њ.П. епископ Г. Лонгин са великим бројем свештеника чикашког намесништва, а потом и парастос за све српске жртве који су пали на бранику своје отаџбине од Косова 1389. године до данас као и бројним члановима Народне Одбране, како оне у Отаџбини тако и ове у Америци и свуда у свету. Домаћин Славе Св. великомученика Лазара Косовског био је г. Ђорђе Јовановић са супругом Мирјаном из Вашингтона.

Претходног дана био је успешно одржан и 73. конгрес СНО у Америци, на коме је расправљан прошлогодишњи рад и донете нове смернице за активности до следећег конгреса. Конгресу је председавао г. Никола Марић, из Кливланда, а делегати су одлучили да по 22. пут подрже председништво овом организацијом г. Славку Пановићу, што довољно говори о заслугама и пожтртвовању које улаже за рад и напредак најстарије националне организације Срба у Америци.


http://www.snd-us.com/index.php/aktivnosti/vesti/9-snd-vesti/205-velicanstvena-proslava-100-godina-srpske-narodne-odbrane-u-americi

*****

If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at heroesofserbia@yahoo.com

*****

Otvorena izložba o Srbiji u Velikom ratu / "Blic Online" July 2, 2014

$
0
0
Blic Online
Beta
July 2, 2014

Izložba “Srbija u Velikom ratu”, koja prikazuje više stotina fotografija, dokumenata i predmeta iz Prvog svetskog rata, otvorena je danas u Domu vojske u Beogradu, u organizaciji Vojnog arhiva, Vojnog muzeja, Istorijskog arhiva u Požarevcu i Medijskog centra “Odbrana”.

Plakat izložbe
 
Na otvaranju izložbe državni sekretar u Ministarstvu odbrane Zoran Đorđević je rekao da je to jedna od 60 manifestacija kojom vojska i ministarstvo obeležavaju stotu godišnjicu početka Prvog svetskog rata.

- Izložba afirmiše činjenice, onako kako to istina zahteva i zato je nem svaki pokušaj revizije istorije - rekao je Đorđević.

On je dodao da Vojska Srbije danas, kao i Srpska vojska u to vreme, ima veliki ugled u narodu i uživa veliko poverenje a da su pripadnici te institucije u više navrata pokazali da su uvek uz narod.

Načelnik Uprave za odnose sa javnošću Ministarstva odbrane pukovnik Petar Bošković rekao je da se tom izložbom zaokružuje obrada teme koja je veoma važna, ne samo za vojsku i ministarstvo, već i za državu i narod.

Bošković je podsetio da su ministarstvo i vojska učestvovali u izdavanju sedam knjiga na temu Velikog rata ali i nekoliko filmova u saradnji sa Radio-televizijom Srbije, poput filma o Milunki Savić i topličkom “Gvozdenom puku” knjaza Mihajla.

Direktorka Istorijskog arhiva Požarevac Jasmina Nikolić ukazala je na “pogubne” političke pokušaje revizije uloge Srbije u Prvom svetskom ratu i da je zato ideja izložbe da se javnosti stave na uvid brojne fotografije i dokumenta iz istorijskih i muzejskih fundusa koji će svedočiti o ratnim dešavanjima.

Direktor Vojnog arhiva pukovnik Milorad Sekulović je ocenio da je Veliki rat urezan u kolektivno pamchenje srpskog naroda zbog velikog značaja tog dogadjaja ali i velikih žrtava koje su pretrpljene.

- Srbija nije ušla u Prvi svetski rat zbog teritorijalnih proširenja ili resursa vech da bi se odbranila i sačuvala svoju čast i za to je platila veliku cenu - rekao je Sekulović.


http://www.blic.rs/Kultura/Vesti/477859/Otvorena-izlozba-o-Srbiji-u-Velikom-ratu


*****

If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me atheroesofserbia@yahoo.com

*****

Четници Великог рата / "PTC - Radio-Televizija Srbije" June 15, 2014

$
0
0
PTC - Radio-Televizija Srbije
Пише: Слађана Зарић
June 15, 2014

Четнички добровољачки одреди били су под командом Врховног штаба српске војске. Биле су то специјалне јединице које су изводиле високоризичне акције. После битке на Кајмакчалану четнички одреди престају да постоје и на позорницу ступа Југословенски доборвољачки одред. Многи сматрају да су четници жртвовани у сукобу црнорукаца и престолонаследника Александра.

Jезгро четничких одреда на почетку рата чинили су искусни четници из балканских ратова и из четовања на просторима Македоније. У четничке одреде пријављују се и сви они који нису обухваћени мобилизацијом (млађи од 20 година, страни држављани...).

Мајор српске војске и четнички војвода Војислав Танкосић са саборцима

Четничке јединице у великом броју чине Срби са подручја Аустроугарске, а долазе и Срби печалбари из Америке. У каснијим годинама четнички добровољачки одреди ће се све више попуњавати из редова аустроугарских ратних заробљеника, Срба пречана који су најпре били мобилисани од стране Монархије, а потом у борбама заробљени у Русији.

На почетку су била формирана четири четничка одреда која су током 1914. године бројала око 5.000 припадника. Министар војни Душан Стефановић издао је 4. августа наређење о формирању четничких одреда - наводи за документарни филм „Србија у Великом рату"историчар Милан Мицић.

На челу одреда налазили су се српски официри, најчешће истакнути четници блаканских ратова, припадници Народне одбране и организације Црна рука. Добровољачки покрет у 1914, 1915, и 1916. години је под контролом Црне руке и официра црнорукаца - истиче историчар Мицић.

Тако је Рудничким одредом командовао мајор Војислав Танкосић (одеред је формирао Јован Стојковић Бабунски јер се Танкосић као оптужен за учешће у убиству Франца Фердинанда по захтеву Аустроугарске тада налазио у притвору), на челу Златиборског одреда био је мајор Коста Тодоровића, Јадарским одредом командовао је мајор Војин Поповић (чувени војвода Вук) док је мајор Велимир Вемић био командант Горњачког четничког добровољачког одреда.

Припадници четничког одреда на путу ка фронту 1914. године
 
Четници су били најдисциплинованији војници српске војске који се по данашњим мерилима могу сврстати у неку врсту командоса, били су једна од најелитнијих јединица- каже историчар Милић Милићевић из Историјског института Београда. То су биле специјалне јединице намењене за дејство у позадини непријатеља. Њихов задатак је био да се притаје, да пропусте аустроугарске јединице, а онда да крену са дезорганизацијом позадине, да организују атентате на команданте, да уништавају страже или етапне станице - каже историчар Далибор Денда са Института за стратегисјка истраживања.

Четници су предузимали и офанзивну акцију преласка на територију Аустроугарске. Тако Горњачки четнички одред по наредби врховне команде 1914. године прелази у Босну и стиже до Пала, Сокоца, а поједини припадници овог одреда силазили су у Сарајево.

Потпуковник српске војске
и четнички војвода Војин Поповић Вук са саборцима
 
Четници су пролазили кроз врло захтевну обуку.  Није свако могао да буде четник. Гаврило Прицип се за време балканских ратова пријавио у одред Војислава Танкосића, али је одбијен јер је био превише млад и сматрало се да није могао физички да поднесе оно што очекује једну четничку јединицу - каже Милан Мицић. Четници су морали да буду издржљиви и храбри. Полагали су четничку заклетву на верност отаџбини, српству и јединици. У случају да се заклетва прекрши били би сурово кажњавани, неретко и смрћу - истиче Мицић.

У четничким јединицима био је велики број младих људи, ђака и студената. То су били млади идеалисти спремни да се боре за српску националну идеју, али и људи који су поред патриотизма имали и одређену врсту авантуристичког духа. Историчар Милић Милићевић наглашава да су четници из времена балканских ратова, Првог светског и Другог светског рата три потпуно различите категорије и три различита појаве.

Четнички одреди били су тамо где је било најтеже. Због специфичности њихових акција (напади из позадине, ризичне акције) смртност у јединицама је била веома велика.

Губици по акцијама износили су и до 62 одсто људства - каже историчар Милан Мицић. Зато су одреди чето расформирани, попуњавани новим припадницима и формирани нови. Таком 1915. године на територији Краљевине Србије дејствује Сремски доборвољчки одред (којим је командовао Немац Игњат Кирхнер), Бантаски одред, одред Летеће жандармерије војводе Бабунског, Добровољачки одред војводе Вука (који је бројао око 3.000 људи), Други добровољачки батаљон под командом мајора Војислава Танкосића.

Војвода Јован Стојковић Бабунски
 
Четници су увек слати тамо где је било најтеже. Учествовали су у свим важним биткама. Били су на Гучеву, Колубари, у одбрани Београда 1915. године, чинили су одступницу српској војсци приликом повлачења преко Албаније, први су дошли на Солунски фронт и учествовали у Горничевској бици. Четници војводе Вука су на крају освојили и добро утврђени и брањени Кајмакчалан (Дринска дивизија је прва освојила врх Ниџе али су их Бугари у контранападу поразили да би у новом нападу четници однели победу).

После Кајмакчалана четнички одреди наставили су да се боре и за освајње околних висова. Велике битке водиле су се на Сивој стени, у луку Црне реке, Грунишком вису. После тих битака четнички одреди су толико десетковани да престају да постоје. Од 2.250 четника колико је одред војводе Вука бројао по долску на Солунски фронт, преживело их је само 450. Тих дана (29. новембра 1916. године) гине и чувени војвода Вук. Многи сматрају да су четници тада намерно жртвовани, да је њихов „нестанак"последица сукоба црнорукаца и престолонаследника Александра.

Историчар Милан Мицић наводи да је разговарао са потомцима четника добровољачког одреда Војина Поповића који су тврдили да је Војвода Вук два-три пута одбијао наређење да се јуриша на Сиву стену, да је схватао да се његови војници жртвују, али да је на крају као војник морао да прихвати наређење које је његовој јединици донело неповратне губитке.

После битке на Кајмакчалану четнички одреди више не постоје. Њих замењује нови добровољачки одред који сада у политичком контексту добија назив Југословеснки добровољачки одред, иако у његов састав улази чак 95 одсто Срба (били су то аустроугарски заробљеници из Русије и добровољци из Америке).

Занимњиво је и да после Кајмакчалана не постоји више ни утицај Црне руке на добовољачке одреде. Уследили су Солунски процес, смртна пресуда Драгутину Димитријевићу Апису и смене официрског кадра војске Краљевине Србије. Преживели четници, њих 450, постали су саставни део 4. пука Дринске дивизије. Тако је завршена славна историја четничких одреда Великог рата.

Четник, комита, андарт
 
Назив четник потиче од речи чета, четовање и представља герилског борца који је у малобројној јединици, чети.
 
Термин се првенствено користио за припаднике српских добровољачких снага које су се бориле на територији Македоније са циљем слабљења Отоманске царевине на Балкану.
 
Такве специјалне јединице имали су и Бугари и Грци. У Бугарској су их звали комите у грчкој андарти.
 
Српски борци у Македонији називани су и комитама, мада је овај израз првенствено био везан за оснивање ВМОК-а и ВМРО-а и за њихове борце.
 
Четничка заклетва
 
Во имја Оца и Сина и Свјатаго Духа, Амин!
Ја _____  заклињем се у Господа Бога у Господа Сина Исуса Христа и Господа Духа Светога:
Заклињем се у хлеб овај,
заклињем се у крст овај,
заклињем се на нож овај и револвер,
да ћу тачно и свесно, безусловно
испуњавати све наредбе Комитета
које ми се буду дале,
а које иду у корист нашег ослобођења
и уједињења са Мајком Србијом,
а под управом Комитета.
Ако би се намерно огрешио о дату заклетву,
да ме Бог, Крст, Име, Слава и хлеб казне,
а нож и револвер казну изврше. Амин!


Четничка заклетва први пут је изговорена у Београду 28.04.1904. године.

Комитет у заклетви односи се на Српски револуционарни комитет који је основан 1903. године.

 

Стручни консултант: др Александар Животић, Филозофски факултет, Београд.

Интервјуи су део документарно-играног филма Србија у Великом рату"који Радио-телевизија Србије реализује у сарадњи са Министарством одбране Републике Србије.


http://www.rts.rs/page/stories/ci/%D0%92%D0%B5%D0%BB%D0%B8%D0%BA%D0%B8+%D1%80%D0%B0%D1%82/story/2213/%D0%A1%D1%80%D0%B1%D0%B8%D1%98%D0%B0+%D1%83+%D0%92%D0%B5%D0%BB%D0%B8%D0%BA%D0%BE%D0%BC+%D1%80%D0%B0%D1%82%D1%83/1623612/%D0%A7%D0%B5%D1%82%D0%BD%D0%B8%D1%86%D0%B8+%D0%92%D0%B5%D0%BB%D0%B8%D0%BA%D0%BE%D0%B3+%D1%80%D0%B0%D1%82%D0%B0.html


*****

If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at heroesofserbia@yahoo.com

*****
Viewing all 774 articles
Browse latest View live


<script src="https://jsc.adskeeper.com/r/s/rssing.com.1596347.js" async> </script>