What it means to be a Serbian-American on Independence Day in the U.S.A. / By Aleksandra Rebic July 4, 2014

July 4, 2014, 7:24 am

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≪ Previous: Четници Великог рата / "PTC - Radio-Televizija Srbije" June 15, 2014

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My mother and father enjoying the Fourth of July fireworks

in Chicagoland on July 4, 2011. Photo by Aleksandra Rebic.

 

American Flag with Serbian emblem! Photo courtesy of St. Basil of Ostrog

Serbian Orthodox Church in Lake Forest, IL on Facebook July 4, 2014

 

 

What it means to be a Serbian-American

on Independence Day in the U.S.A.

I remain forever grateful to my parents Rade and Milica who emigrated to the U.S.A. in the mid 20th century, leaving the "old country" and the beautiful Serbian lands in Serbia and Croatia to make their life and home here in America. I am grateful, too, that my mother and father raised me with a deep appreciation for this country that will remain forever embedded in my heart.

 

I've had the privilege, the honor, and the joy of participating in many wonderful Serbian heritage events here in America throughout my life, and those events along with the rich Serbian Orthodox traditions we have faithfully maintained in our families and our homes have enriched my life more than I can ever quantify.

 

Serbian history goes back far longer than the history of America, still such a young nation in this world. Being raised in the freedom of America has enabled me to learn Serbian history in its truest sense and in all its glory.

 

Serbia and America have been allies for over a century. Though there are wounds, I pray that the wounds will be healed and that our common values will transcend the politics of the day.

 

Not a day goes by that I'm not reminded of a reason to be grateful to live in the U.S.A. and, especially on Independence Day when we celebrate America's birthday, I give thanks to God for the blessing of being born in this great country.

 

I remain a loyal, faithful citizen, a patriot, and a proud Serbian-American who will never take America's blessings for granted.

 

Happy Independence Day, America, this beautiful Fourth of July 2014!

 

 

Aleksandra Rebic
Chicago
July 4, 2014

Fourth of July Fireworks in Chicagoland for America's Independence Day.

Photo by Aleksandra Rebic July 4, 2012.

*****

 

If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra,

please feel free to contact me at heroesofserbia@yahoo.com

 

*****

 

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Srpska izložba o Prvom svetskom ratu u Kanadi u blizini planine koja nosi ime vojvode Putnika / "24sata" June 27, 2014

July 1, 2014, 5:00 am

≫ Next: THE LIE THAT STARTED THE FIRST WORLD WAR / "The Telegraph" [UK] June 28, 2014

≪ Previous: What it means to be a Serbian-American on Independence Day in the U.S.A. / By Aleksandra Rebic July 4, 2014

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24sata.rs
Beta
June 27, 2014

Pripadnici srpske dijaspore u Kalgariju, u provinciji Alberta, priredili su izložbu fotografija povodom 100. godišnjice od početka Prvog svetskog rata.

Radomir Putnik

 

U sali novosagrađenog Hrama Svetog Simeona Mirotočivog izložena su 24 postera svaki sa po nekoliko fotografija snimljenih tokom Velikog rata iz arhiva Narodnog muzeja u Valjevu, kao i iz drugih izvora.

 

Ulaz na izložbu je besplatan, a dobrovoljni prilozi posetilaca biće pridodati u fond za pomoć poplavljenima u matici.

 

Valjevski muzej poseduje zbirku radova prvog srpskog ratnog fotografa,
akademskog slikara Beogradjanina Dragoljuba Pavlovića koji je snimio dramatične prizore bombardovanja i odbrane Beograda kao i borbi i stradanja srpske vojske na Solunskom frontu.

 

Prema rečima Vesne Ivković, članice Društva za zaštitu srpske baštine "Ravna gora" iz Kalgarija koje je organizovalo izložbu, Pavlovićevo istorijsko vizuelno svedočanstvo upotpunjeno je i poznatim fotografijama drugih autora iz Prvog svetskog rata poput "Oka sokolovog" na kojoj je izvidjač Dragutin Matić, zatim snimaka dve žene-ratna heroja Milunke Savić i Britanke, pripadnice srpske vojske Flore Sandes i dr.

 

Postavka uključuje i fotografije iz Cerske i Kolubarske bitke, kao i portrete četvorice srpskih vojvoda: Radomira Putnika, Živojina Mišića, Stepe Stepanovića i Petra Bojovića.

 

Malo je poznato da u širem regionu Kalgarija, u masivu Stenovitih planina, postoji planina odavno imenovana po vojvodi Putniku koju su, otkrivanjem i osvećenjem spomen-ploče, pre dve godine ovekovečili članovi iste organizacije koja je priredila i komemorativnu izložbu.

 

U toku su razgovori o postavci ove izložbe i u glavnom gradu Alberte Edmontonu.

 

Govornici-gosti na otvaranju izložbe i komemoraciji u Kalgariju bili su poznavaoci istorije i savremenih sukoba na Balkanu poslednji ambasador Kanade u bivšoj Jugoslaviji Džems Biset (James Bisett) i jedan od najpoznatijih vojnih novinara u Kanadi Skot Tejlor (Scott Taylor), urednik i izdavač kanadskog vojnog magazina "Espri d' kor" (Esprit de Corps), pored ostalih autor knjige "Inat" o Srbiji i ratu na Kosovu.

 

U Kalgariju, jednom od najprosperitetnijih kanadskih gradova danas živi oko 5.000 doseljenika srpskog porekla iako je do početka 1990-ih godina tamo živelo svega četrdesetak srpskih porodica.

 

 

http://www.24sata.rs/vesti/svet/vest/srpska-izlozba-o-prvom-svetskom-ratu-u-kanadi-u-blizini-planine-koja-nosi-ime-vojvode-putnika/141285.phtml

 

 

*****

 

If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at heroesofserbia@yahoo.com

 

*****

 

THE LIE THAT STARTED THE FIRST WORLD WAR / "The Telegraph" [UK] June 28, 2014

July 5, 2014, 12:20 am

≫ Next: Српско војничко гробље у Тијеу: Крст на вечној стражи / "Novosti" July 6, 2014

≪ Previous: Srpska izložba o Prvom svetskom ratu u Kanadi u blizini planine koja nosi ime vojvode Putnika / "24sata" June 27, 2014

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The Telegraph
Tim Butcher
Sarajevo
June 28, 2014

The personality and motives of the young assassin, Gavrilo Princip, who fired the fatal shots at Archduke Franz Ferdinand in Sarajevo, were twisted by Austrian propaganda.

Gavrilo Princip is paraded by his Austrian captors after assassinating Archduke Franz Ferdinand in Sarajevo Photo: Alamy

 

This day 100 years ago dawned memorably bright over Sarajevo. After days of stormy rain, Sunday June 28,1914 began cloudless as Austria-Hungary, the imperial power that held dominion over the small Balkan province of Bosnia, prepared for a show of ostentatious pageantry in its capital.

 

Loyal citizens came out in their thousands, lining the route into the city centre that was to be used for a rare official visit by a top member of the Habsburg royal house, Archduke Franz Ferdinand, second only in imperial protocol to the venerable, mutton-chopped emperor himself, Franz Joseph. Witnesses remember the morning sun being fierce as the crowds gathered, eight deep in places, many of them waving the yellow imperial standard of Austria-Hungary with its double-headed black eagle, some shouting ''Long Live the Archduke’’ as the Gräf & Stift limousine drove sedately by. An imperial 21-gun salute, from the fortress high in the hills that ring Sarajevo, sent out puffs of smoke, vivid white against the blue summer sky.

 

But the crowd was seeded with six would-be assassins united in their loathing of Austria-Hungary. By the time the sun set, what happened in Sarajevo would plunge the world into the darkness of global war for the first time.

 

The details were well recorded: how the first attacker lost his nerve as the cortege passed, how the next attacker threw a grenade that struck the limousine but did not harm the Archduke, how the royal party nevertheless continued with the visit, how three would-be assassins melted away into the crowd and how one, a 19-year-old peasant, stood his ground.

 

Gavrilo Princip was his name and he took up station at the street corner where the royal vehicle was scheduled to turn right, according to the route flagged up for days in local newspapers, off the wide riverside boulevard that gives Sarajevo its spine, before taking the Archduke to visit a museum.

 

What might be called the devil’s luck then enters the story as the decision had been taken after the grenade attack for the Archduke’s car not to turn right but to continue down the boulevard. All the senior members of the royal party were informed. But nobody told the driver.

 

When the driver made the turn, an imperial officer on board with the Archduke and his wife, Sophie ordered: ''Stop.’’ The driver braked immediately, presenting the assassin with his targets right in front of him in a now stationary car, the canvas roof folded helpfully back because of the sunny conditions.

 

Princip needed to take only half a step forward before he aimed his 9mm, semi-automatic Browning pistol and fired what amounted to the starting gun for modern history. The killing of the Archduke and his wife was the trigger for the First World War. What happened next is a bone well worried by historians. But the details of who Princip was, his motivation, his actions and his support network have been mired ever since in political bias, ethnic rivalry and sloppy homework.

 

We have been told that: Princip jumped on the running board of the Archduke’s limousine to take his shot, the Archduke’s wife was pregnant when she died, the shooting happened on the anniversary of their marriage, the car did not have a reverse gear, the Archduke caught the grenade thrown earlier and tossed it away safely, and Princip stopped to eat a last sandwich at the café on the corner before emerging to take his shot. It’s all myth.

 

Yet, given that this is the young man with perhaps the greatest impact on modern history, I have been drawn to spend the past three years researching what the historical record definitively reveals about the assassin from Bosnia.

 

Gavrilo Princip was born in 1894, a serf’s son from the hamlet of Obljaj in remotest western Bosnia, short and slight of build with the strong chin that is the dominant hallmark of the Princip male line. His father Petar was trapped in the grinding poverty of generations of Princips before him. Princip was the feudal subject of two local lords who effectively owned him, one called Jovic, the other Siercic. Although the Princips came from the ethnic Serb community, a hundred years ago rivalries with the Bosnian Croats and Bosnian Muslims were not as charged as today. Instead their anger was directed against Austria-Hungary, a foreign power responsible for occupation of particular austerity. And there were plenty of grounds for anger. Six of Princip’s brothers and sisters died in childhood, a level of child mortality that appears routine.

 

Gavrilo Princip’s break came in 1907 when, after excelling at primary school, he left Obljaj and made the long journey to Sarajevo to take up secondary education. I found his school reports, passed over by a century’s worth of historians, and saw grades that charted the development of a slow-burn revolutionary. The reports show him as a starred-A grade student to begin with, but as the years pass his truancy goes up, his academic performance down. He had fallen in with other young radicals who dared to think the unthinkable: doing away with Austria-Hungary.

 

And just as with other independence movements across the world, the talk slowly turned to direct action and political violence. Again, Princip was not headstrong, watching and learning as an unsuccessful assassination attempt was made in 1910 by a slightly older Bosnian student in Sarajevo against an Austro-Hungarian target. What stands out, however, is how inclusive Princip’s nationalism was. He learnt to trust Bosnian Muslims and Bosnian Croats, not just his ethnic kin from the Bosnian Serb community. He made contact with extreme Serb nationalists in Belgrade, capital of Serbia, to acquire the weapons used in the assassination but this appears opportunistic. There is no evidence he shared their chauvinistic agenda, not least because the attackers were planning on using trusted Bosnian Croats to spirit away the weapons, while one of the six would-be assassins was Bosnian Muslim.

 

Princip was caught within seconds of firing his pistol, his bid for martyrdom doomed when the dose of cyanide he stuffed down his throat failed to kill him.

 

Two weeks short of his 20th birthday, Princip was too young to be executed as Austro-Hungarian law said the death sentence could only be given to criminals aged 20 or more. Instead, he was jailed, sentenced to 20 years solitary confinement with the condition that one day a month he was to receive no food. He died in a prison hospital on April 28 1918, his body so badly ravaged by skeletal tuberculosis that his right arm had had to be amputated.

 

Over the last century his voice has rarely been heard, drowned out by more powerful forces, not least Vienna which was desperate to use the assassination as a pretext to attack its small and potentially troublesome neighbour, Serbia. For this to work, Austria-Hungary worked to represent Princip and the assassination plot as the work of the Serbian government. And this alone is perhaps the greatest misrepresentation of the truth about Gavrilo Princip, with the historical record containing no convincing evidence to support the claim.

 

Wilfred Owen wrote of the patriotic invocation dulce et decorum est pro patria mori as “the old lie’’, but I have come to see an even greater lie at the founding moment of the First World War. It is the lie used by Vienna in its deliberate misrepresentation of the Sarajevo assassination. On its hundredth anniversary, now is high time to straighten the record.

 

 

Tim Butcher’s 'The Trigger – Hunting the Assassin who Brought the World to War’ is published by Chatto & Windus

 

http://www.telegraph.co.uk/history/world-war-one/10930829/The-lie-that-started-the-First-World-War.html

 

 

*****

 

If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at heroesofserbia@yahoo.com

 

*****

 

Српско војничко гробље у Тијеу: Крст на вечној стражи / "Novosti" July 6, 2014

July 9, 2014, 12:39 am

≫ Next: MUZEJ MLADE BOSNE - Memorija na Mladobosance u Beogradu / Branko Bojović June 23, 2014

≪ Previous: THE LIE THAT STARTED THE FIRST WORLD WAR / "The Telegraph" [UK] June 28, 2014

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Novosti
Горан Чворовић
July 6, 2014

Многи су кости оставили овде, не знајући ни где је та Француска, о којој су, исцепаних опанака с водом до колена у плитким рововима, толико слушали од својих егзотичних и витешких сабораца

ПАРИЗ
ОД СТАЛНОГ ДОПИСНИКА

ЖИВОЈИН Аврамовић, Милоје Петровић, Јордан Костић, Драги Добросављевић, Атанасије Тасић, Трајанко Стојановић, Драгољуб Петровић, Тодор Стевановић, Милорад Митић, Десимир Алексић, Алекса Савић, Живадин Живковић, Лазар Лазаревић, Милутин Максимовић, Видан Радосављевић. И многи други. Постројени на вечитој, каменој стражи.

Српско војничко гробље у Тијеу, надомак Париза. Бели се крст до крста. Под конац. Водоравно, усправно и дијагонално. На првој линији фронта и даље непобедиво стоје Јован, Петар, Миша, Груја, Милирад, Љубомир, Јелисије, Јевто, Воја, Милош, Ђорђе, Милан, Илија, Андрија, Владимир, Душан, Никола, Григорије, Александар. Поручник. Капетан. Пуковник. Редов.

Многи су кости оставили овде, не знајући ни где је та Француска, о којој су, исцепаних опанака с водом до колена у плитким рововима, толико слушали од својих егзотичних и витешких сабораца, с којима се по оружју и херојству здружише и збратимише, стварајући потом о њој живе слике у ватри агоније и бунила док су лађе француске ескивирале швапски сумарен на бескрајном воденом путу од Бизерте и Крфа до далеких Марсеља и Нице, водећи их да видају јуначке ране.

Лежали су по гвозденим креветима француских опитала, од Тулона до Париза, неговани благом руком брижних сестара, будни сањајући Гружу и Хомоље. Многи нису дочекали да овај дуги сан претворе у јаву. Умирали су годинама, рањени куршумима од Цера до Доброг поља. Први су овде сахрањени још 1914, последњи, кад се слобода већ успела на шумадијске висоравни.

Ране тешке, неизлечиве. Неки све време нису долазили свести. Остали, тако, без имена. Није имао ко да га изговори. На гробу само презиме, пренето са здравственог картона. Милошевић, Стојановић, Стаменковић. С нечитке забелешке у вечност отишао Таверко Стојадиновић. Умирући међу уснама срицали, а болничарке се свим силама трудиле, да чују и запишу: Јевла, Новига, Равига, Милаило, Живола, Јимко, Јеролије, Реста, Волслав, Монгило, Идако, Теодосиар, Раико, Микаид, Алкаа, Боуисацс, Диагед. Некима се име назире, другима га нема ни у назнакама. Овде леже и Угриновие, Оавловић, Бцкић, Пеартерац, Тзимилдовицх, Странсевић, Тхофиловић, Боутолин.

 

Имена им исписана по српском, француском и немуштом правопису. Ипсилон и акценат, без ч и ћ. Читко, јасно, али и пофранцузено. Пјер Гавриловић, Воук, Воуковић, Јоубисав, Перитцх, Костицх, Марцовиц, Тотцхитцх. И потпуно неразумљиво. Параизановић Страдузиа, Мритиоберти Музауно, Ратсимиллавахоака. Један крст без плочице. Сви с љубављу сахрањени.

Међу 747 крстова, и једна стела с полумесецом, Есад Паше Топтанија, отоманског генерала и албанског политичара, који је ратовао на страни Србије и омогућио српским војницима повлачење преко Албаније.

Сваки пут кад овде дођете, био јун или новембар, над усправним некропољем навуче се блага небеска покривка, а Бог, одозго, пусти понеку сузу. Међу гробовима никли хајдучка трава, бела рада, ноћурак, здраворад, мајчина душица, различак, цикорија, невенка, жаворњак. Процветала детелина. Залутало понеко голубије перо. Да се осећају као код куће.

- Будимо часни потомци да бисмо били достојни преци - лебде, над крстовима, и позивају намерника, речи војводе Радомира Путника. Да нам се историја не би понављала, треба да је се сећамо.
 



 http://www.novosti.rs/%D0%B2%D0%B5%D1%81%D1%82%D0%B8/%D0%BD%D0%B0%D1%81%D0%BB%D0%BE%D0%B2%D0%BD%D0%B0/%D1%80%D0%B5%D0%BF%D0%BE%D1%80%D1%82%D0%B0%D0%B6%D0%B5.409.html:499527-Srpsko-vojnicko-groblje-u-Tijeu-Krst-na-vecnoj-strazi

*****

If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at heroesofserbia@yahoo.com

*****

MUZEJ MLADE BOSNE - Memorija na Mladobosance u Beogradu / Branko Bojović June 23, 2014

July 12, 2014, 8:00 pm

≫ Next: [VIDEO] U Nišu će 28. jula [2014] biti obeležena godišnjica početka Prvog svetskog rata - ”Putevima srpske vojske u Prvom svetskom ratu” / "Belle Amie" July 8, 2014

≪ Previous: Српско војничко гробље у Тијеу: Крст на вечној стражи / "Novosti" July 6, 2014

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"Mlada Bosna" 1912

Knjiga Vladimira Dedijera „Sarajevo 1914“ objavljena je 1966. godine (Prosveta) i možda je najznačajnije delo domaće istorijografije o Mladoj Bosni.  Izuzetna vrednost Dedijerove knjige je u tome što je autor detaljno osvetlio kratke sekvence života Mladobosanaca koje su oni živeli u Beogradu, kao naši sugrađani, i precezno identifikovao mesta gde su oni provodili beogradsko vreme svojih života. Navodim samo neke podatke iz Dedijerove knjige:

*Uparkiću na Topličnom vencu gde se danas nalazi spomenik Vojinu Popoviću – Vojvodi Vuku, Princip i Čabrinović su jedan drugom dali reč da će izvršiti atentat na Franca Ferndinanda,

* Mladobosanci su se okupljali u Savamali, u kafani koja se tada zvala „Zlatna moruna“ i koja se posle kraće pauze ponovo tako zove,

*Prve dve sednice tajne organizacije „Smrt ili život“ održane su na mestu gde je ubijen Knez Mihaila, u Košutnjaku,

*Principa i Grabeža u pucanju iz revolvera, po nalogu Voje Tankosića, obučavao je Ciganović na strelištu  u Topčideru,

* Gavrilo Princip je stanovao u Lominoj ulici br. 47, najpre sa Tripkom Grabežom, a posle sa Vladetom Bilbijom, ta kuća više ne postoji,

*Čabrinović i Princip su se zakleli organizaciji „Smrt ili život“ u podrumu jedne od zgrada u Ulici Kraljice Natalije gde je i kafana „Zlatna moruna“.

*Itd., itd.

 

Ove činjenice su veoma važne za obeležavanje memorije na Mladobosance u Beogradu po principu autentičnog mesta. U ovom kratkom tekstu iznosim nekoliko osnovnih ideja o tome.

 

U Beogradu i danas postoji objekat u kome se nalazila i nalazi kafana „Zlatna moruna“, a posle kratke pauze u kojoj je taj objekat menjao ime i namenu „Zlatna moruna“ postoji i danas. Zbog činjenice da su se Mladobosanca okupljali u toj kafani, taj objekat je svrstan u znamenite zgrade, odnosno postao je spomenik kulture. Po istorijskim događaijama koji su vezani za ovaj objekat sasvim je izvesno da je ovo jedna od najznačajnih zgrada za istoriju Srba, Srbije i Beograda.

 

Prvi značajni urbanistički potez u rekonstrukciji i izgradnji srpskog Beograda, bilo je planiranje i izgradnja tzv. Abadžijske čaršije, koju je Knez Miloš izgradio negde oko 1830. godine, tj. u vreme donošenja Hatišerifa.  U ovu čaršiju trebalo je izmestiti pripadnike abadžijskog zanata. Jedinstvenost tog urbanističkog poduhvata bilo je i to što su duž čaršije bile građene tipske zgrade u drvenom skeletu sa raznim vrstama ispuna. Do našeg vremena su se sačuvale kuće sa brojevima 8, 10 i 12. One su srušene 80-tih godina iz nedovoljno jasnih razloga. U podrumu nekih od tih kuća, možta baš neke od ove tri, Čabrinović i Princip su se zakleli jedan drugom da će izvršiti atentat. Te kuće su bile spomenici urbane kulture i arhitekture  ranog 19. veka, a zakletva dvojice Mladobosanaca te kuće čini i prvorazrednim istorijskim spomenikom. Te tri kuće u nizu treba obnoviti na istom mestu gde su nekada postojale jer o njima postoji tehnička i fotografska dokumentacija.

 

U postojeći objekat „Zlatne morune“ i tri obnovljene kuće nekadašnje Abadžijske čaršije treba smestiti Muzej Mlade Bosne. Deo zelene površine preko puta ovih objekata (neparna strana Ulice kraljice Natalije) treba da bude park Mlade Bosne gde bi trebalo postaviti spomenike istaknutih članova Mlade Bosne.

 

Na svim mestima gde su svoje kratke živote živeli Mladobosanci trebalo bi postaviti spomen obeležja – nova kuća u Lominoj 47, strelište u Topčideru, parkić kod somenika Vojvode Vuka i dr.

 

Malom srpskom narodu u borbi za opstanak i slobodu pripalo je to da u istoriji ovog dela Evrope ima učešće koje daleko prevazilazi njegove biološke i druge kapacitete. Bitan deo savremene istorije srpskog naroda povezan je sa Mladobosancima koji u Beogradu i Srbiji nisu odgovarajući obeleženi.  Formiranjem muzeja Mlade Bosne, srpski narod bi odužio dug patriotima i i idealistima koji su slobodu cenili više od sopstvenih života.

 

U muzeju bi trebalo predstaviti organizaciju Mlade Bosne i sve značajne i delatne članove te organizaciju, njene veze sa drugim organizacijama, kao što je Crna ruka  (Ujedinjenje ili smrt) i sve značajne ličnosti direktno ili indirektno povezane sa te dve organizacije – Mustafu – Mujku Golubića, Đuru Šarca, ali i čestitog advokata Rudolfa Cistlera koji je za Principa i drugove bio ono što je Arčibal Rajs bio za Srbiju, koju godinu kasnije. U muzeju bi trebalo predstaviti i beščašće savremene evropske i američke istoriografije koji na grubim falisifikatima istorije grade tzv. reviziju istorijskih stavova o uzrocima Prvog svetskog rata.

 

Današnje vreme mnogi porede sa vremenom pred  Veliki rat. Vremena se menjaju, ali se ludilo imperijalnih sila ne menja – ono samo menja način ispoljavanja. Srbija ne može preglasati imperije koje neprekidno ratuju od kraja Drugog svetskog rata i koje decenijama terorišu male narode i države.  Ne može da spreči da teroristi i istoričari u njihovoj službi Gavrila Principa proglašavaju za teroristu, a srpski narod za sklonost terorizmu.  Srpski narod svemu tome može najbolje  da odgovori negujući nacionalnu i slobodarsku svest i čuvajući svoju istinu o svojoj istoriji.  Muzej Mlade Bosne bio bi pravi korak u tom pravcu.
 

 

Branko Bojović, dipl.inž.arh.

U Beogradu, 23.06.2014.

*****

If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at heroesofserbia@yahoo.com

*****

[VIDEO] U Nišu će 28. jula [2014] biti obeležena godišnjica početka Prvog svetskog rata - ”Putevima srpske vojske u Prvom svetskom ratu” / "Belle Amie" July 8, 2014

July 13, 2014, 11:25 pm

≫ Next: Ekspedicija „Putevima srpske vojske u Prvom svetskom ratu“ [UPD] (VIDEO) - Organizuje Safari klub pod pokroviteljstvom grada Niša, uz podršku Turističke organizacije Niša / "NTV - Niška Televizija" July 10, 2014

≪ Previous: MUZEJ MLADE BOSNE - Memorija na Mladobosance u Beogradu / Branko Bojović June 23, 2014

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Belle Amie
July 8, 2014

U Nišu će 28. jula biti obeležena godišnjica početka Prvog svetskog rata.

Tog dana će iz Niša krenuti Auto safari, pod nazivom ”Putevima srpske vojske u Prvom svetskom ratu”.

Istog dana će na Letnjoj pozornici biti izvedena predstava ”1915, tragedija jednog naroda”, a biće otkrivena i spomen ploča na zgradi Univerziteta, gde je 1914. stigao telegram o objavi rata.

Video posted on You Tube by "Belle amie"
Published on Jul 8, 2014
Informativni portal belami.rs



http://youtu.be/-dku6t-3XFE


http://www.belami.rs/godisnjica-pocetka-velikog-rata-28-jula/


*****

If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at heroesofserbia@yahoo.com

*****

Ekspedicija „Putevima srpske vojske u Prvom svetskom ratu“ [UPD] (VIDEO) - Organizuje Safari klub pod pokroviteljstvom grada Niša, uz podršku Turističke organizacije Niša / "NTV - Niška Televizija" July 10, 2014

July 14, 2014, 11:24 am

≫ Next: THE PROSPECT OF WAR WITH SERBIA debated in Austrian Ministerial Council Meeting JULY 7, 1914 - "The July Crisis"

≪ Previous: [VIDEO] U Nišu će 28. jula [2014] biti obeležena godišnjica početka Prvog svetskog rata - ”Putevima srpske vojske u Prvom svetskom ratu” / "Belle Amie" July 8, 2014

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NTV - Niška Televizija
July 10, 2014

Ekspedicija „Putevima srpske vojske od 1914. do 1918. godine“ realizuje se u sklopu Programa obeležavanja stogodišnjice Prvog svetskog rata. Ovaj projekat organizuje Safari klub pod pokroviteljstvom grada Niša, uz podršku Turističke organizacije Niša.

Karavan će krenuti iz Niša 28. jula na stogodišnjicu od početka Prvog svetskog rata I za petnaest dana obići sva stratišta kojima je prošla slavna srpska armija.

Grad Niš imao je vrlo važnu ulogu tokom Prvog svetskog rata. Godine 1914. i 1915. bio je ratna prestonica, u kojoj su donete sudbonosne odluke za srpski i ostale južnoslovenske narode. Ekspedicija Putevima srpske vojske u Prvom svetskom ratu, čiji je pokrovitrelj Grad Niš, jedna je od manifestacija u okviru programa obeležavanja velikog jubileja.

Turistička organizacija Niša suorganizator je ekspedicije „Putevima srpske vojske od 1914. do 1918″. U saradnji sa drugim turistickim organizacijama u Srbiji, pomoći će realizaciju ovog projekta.

Karavan od pet terenskih vozila u kojima će se nalaziti 10 do 12 ljudi na trasi od 3500 kilometara preći će put kojim se kretala glavnina srpske vojske i pritom prikupljanti i dokumentovati nove podatke i činjenice o dramatičnim i slavnim danima srpske istorije.

Obimna video i foto-dokumentacija prikupljena sa ekspedicije, biće pretočena u desetak reportaža i dokumentarni film, koji će biti prezentovan javnosti septembra ove godine.

VIDEO published on You Tube by "NiskaTelevizija"
Published on Jul 10, 2014

 

http://youtu.be/J3moqEGUeHw


http://ntv.rs/ekspedicija-putevima-srpske-vojske-u-prvom-svetskom-ratu/


*****

If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at heroesofserbia@yahoo.com

*****

THE PROSPECT OF WAR WITH SERBIA debated in Austrian Ministerial Council Meeting JULY 7, 1914 - "The July Crisis"

July 15, 2014, 3:48 am

≫ Next: Izložba "Srbija i Srbi na filmu u Prvom svetskom ratu" [U galeriji Otvorenog univerziteta u Subotici] / "Tanjug" July 18, 2014

≪ Previous: Ekspedicija „Putevima srpske vojske u Prvom svetskom ratu“ [UPD] (VIDEO) - Organizuje Safari klub pod pokroviteljstvom grada Niša, uz podršku Turističke organizacije Niša / "NTV - Niška Televizija" July 10, 2014

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Aleksandra's Note:The following documentary evidence, the source of which is the Austrian Ministerial Council during the "JULY CRISIS" of 1914 confirms the "theory" that war with Serbia was a foregone conclusion regardless of  the Austrian "Ultimatum" that would follow on July 23 and regardless of Serbia's response to that Ultimatum. War would be waged against Serbia, period.

What these officials present at this council meeting did not foresee was that war against Serbia would be just the beginning...

Sincerely,

Aleksandra Rebic

Franz Ferdinand (in fur-lined coat) on a hunting weekend with Wilhelm II (left) in 1914.

AKG Images

Primary Documents - Austrian Ministerial Council Meeting Minutes, 7 July 1914.

Reproduced below are the official minutes of the Austrian Ministerial Council Meeting which took place on 7 July 1914, some nine days following the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand and his wife Sophie in Sarajevo on 28 June 1914.

During the meeting the prospect of war with Serbia was debated; aside from the Hungarian Prime Minister, Count Tisza, all present favoured presenting Serbia with a sufficiently severe ultimatum that could not be accepted.  Its rejection would therefore prove grounds for a subsequent declaration of war.

Minutes of Ministerial Council on affairs of State held at Vienna on July 7, 1914, under the presidency of the Minister of the Royal and Imperial Household and Minister for Foreign Affairs, Count Berchtold.

Also present:
The Austrian Premier, Count Sturkh
The Hungarian Premier, Count Tisza
The Joint Minister for Finance, Ritter von Bilinski
The War Minister, Ritter von Krobatin
Keeper of the Minutes: Councillor of Legation, Count Hoyos

Agenda: Bosnian Affairs - The diplomatic action against Serbia

The President opens the sitting by remarking that the Ministerial Council has been called in order to advise on the measures to be used in reforming the evil internal political conditions in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as shown up by the disastrous event at Serajevo.

In his opinion there were various internal measures applicable within Bosnia, the use of which seemed to him very appropriate, in order to deal with the critical situation; but first of all they must make up their minds as to whether the moment had not come for reducing Serbia to permanent inoffensiveness by a demonstration of their power.

So decisive a blow could not be dealt without previous diplomatic preparation; consequently he had approached the German Government.  The conversations at Berlin had led to a very satisfactory result, inasmuch as both the Emperor William and Herr von Bethmann Hollweg had most emphatically assured its of Germany's unconditional support in the case of hostilities with Serbia.

Meanwhile, we still had to reckon with Italy and with Rumania, and here he agreed with the Berlin Cabinet that it would be better to negotiate and be prepared for any claims to compensation which might arise.  He was clear in his own mind that hostilities with Serbia would entail war with Russia.  Russia, however, was now playing a far-seeing game, and was calculating on a policy of being able to unite the Balkan States, including Rumania, with the eventual objective of launching them at an appropriate moment against the Monarchy.

He suggested that we must reckon on the fact that in face of such a policy our situation was bound steadily to deteriorate, and all the more if an inactive policy of laisser alley were to be interpreted as a sign of weakness by our own South Slavs and Rumanians, and were to be a direct encouragement to the power of attraction of the two neighbour States.

The logical inference to be drawn from his remarks was that we must be beforehand with our enemies and, by bringing matters to a head with Serbia, must call a halt to the gathering momentum of events; later it would no longer be possible to do so.

The Hungarian Premier agreed that during the last few days the results of our investigations and the tone of the Serbian press had put a materially new complexion on events, and emphasized the fact that he himself held the possibility of warlike action against Serbia to be more obvious than he had thought in the period immediately after the act at Serajevo.

But he would never give his consent to a surprise attack on Serbia without previous diplomatic action, as seemed to be contemplated and as had unfortunately already been made the subject of discussion by Count Hoyos at Berlin; were that done, in his opinion, our position in the eyes of Europe would be an extremely bad one, and in all probability we should have to reckon with the enmity of the whole Balkans, except Bulgaria, while Bulgaria herself being at present very much weakened would not be able to give us the necessary support.

It was absolutely necessary that we should formulate demands against Serbia and only send an ultimatum in case Serbia failed to satisfy them.  These demands must undoubtedly be hard, but should not be impossible of fulfilment.  Should Serbia accept them we should be able to quote a dazzling diplomatic victory, and our prestige in the Balkans would be raised.

Should our demands not be accepted he himself would then be for warlike action, but even at this point he thought it essential to lay stress on the fact that the object of such action ought to be the reduction of Serbia, but not her complete annihilation; first, because this would never be allowed by Russia without a life and death struggle, and also because he, as Hungarian Premier, could never consent to the annexation of part of Serbia by the Monarchy.

It was not Germany's place to judge whether we should now deal a blow at Serbia or not.  Personally, he was of opinion that it was not absolutely necessary to go to war at this moment.  At the present time we must take into account that the agitation against us in Rumania was very strong, that in view of the excited state of public opinion, we should have to reckon with a Rumanian attack.

We must also remember that in the sphere of European politics the relation of French to German power would continually deteriorate because of the low birthrate, and that Germany would therefore continually have more troops at her disposal, as time went on, against Russia.

These considerations ought all to be weighed on the occasion of a decision as important as the one to be taken to-day; he must, therefore, come back to this, that, in spite of the crisis of affairs in Bosnia, he would not make up his mind unconditionally for war.

The President remarked that the history of the last years had shown that while diplomatic successes against Serbia raised the reputation of the Monarchy for the time being, the actual tension in our relations with Serbia had only increased.  Neither our success during the annexation crisis, nor at the creation of Albania, nor Serbia's submission later in consequence of our ultimatum of the autumn of last year, had altered the real situation in any way.

He imagined that energetic action alone would suffice to solve once for all the problem created by the systematic propaganda for a Greater Serbia encouraged from Belgrade, the disintegrating effects of which had made themselves felt as far as Agram and Zara.

As regards the danger of a hostile attitude on the part of Rumania, mentioned by the Hungarian Premier, the President remarked that this was less to be feared now than later on, when the unity of interests between Rumania and Serbia would have become more pronounced.

To be sure, King Carol had let fall doubts as to whether he would be able to fulfil his duty as an ally, should occasion arise, by sending active help.  On the other hand, it was scarcely likely that he would allow himself to be so far carried away as to become involved in hostilities against the Monarchy, even supposing that public opinion did not itself oppose that.  Further, there was Rumanian fear of Bulgaria; even as things stood at present this was bound to a certain extent to hamper Rumania's freedom of movement.

As for the observation made by the Hungarian Premier on the relative strength of France and Germany, surely they had to remember that the decreasing birthrate of France was counter-balanced by the infinitely more rapid increase in the population of Russia, so that the argument that in future Germany would always have more troops at her disposal against France would not hold.

The Austrian Premier remarked that to-day's Ministerial Council had actually been called for the purpose of advising about the internal measures to be taken in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in order to make effective the present inquiry into the assassination, on the one hand, and, on the other, to counteract the Greater Serbia propaganda.  But now these questions must give way to the principal question; should we solve the internal crisis in Bosnia by a demonstration of power against Serbia?

Two considerations now made this principal question an immediate one; first, the Governor of Bosnia and Herzegovina was proceeding on the presumption, acquired in the course of inquiries and in consequence of his knowledge of Bosnian affairs, that no internal measures would be effective, unless we made up our minds to deal a forceful blow to Serbia abroad.  In view of this report from General Potiorek we must ask ourselves whether the schismatic activities originating in Serbia could be stopped at all, unless we took action against the Kingdom.

During the last few days the whole situation had received a materially fresh complexion and a psychological situation had been created, which, in his opinion, led unconditionally to an issue of arms with Serbia.

He certainly agreed with the Hungarian Premier that it was for us, and not for the German Government, to decide whether a war were necessary or no; he must nevertheless observe that our decision must be materially influenced by the fact that, in the quarter which we were bound to regard as the greatest support of our policy in 'the Triple Alliance, unconditional loyalty was, as we were informed, promised to us and that, in addition, on our making inquiry, we were urged to act at once; Count Tisza ought to weigh this fact, and to consider that a hesitating, weak policy would run us into the danger of losing the certainty of this unconditional support of the German Empire on a future occasion.

This was the second consideration which must be taken into account in forming our decision, and was additional to our interest in restoring order in Bosnia.

How to begin the conflict was a question of detail, and should the Hungarian Government be of opinion that a surprise attack "sans crier Bare," to use Count Tisza's expression, was not feasible, then they must needs think of some other way; but he did most earnestly hope that, whatever they might do, they would act quickly, and our trade and commerce be spared a long period of unrest.

All this was detail compared with the chief question as to whether it should in any case come to armed action or not, and here the authoritative interest was the reputation and stability of the Monarchy, whose South Slav provinces he held to be lost if nothing were to happen.

They ought, therefore, to make up their minds to-day, in a general way, whether they meant to act or not.  He, too, shared the President's view that the situation would not be in the least improved by a diplomatic success.  If, therefore, international considerations caused them to adopt the method of an initial diplomatic action against Serbia, this would have to be done with the firm intention o f allowing such action to end only in a war.

The Joint Finance Minister observed that Count Sturkh had referred to the fact that the Governor wanted war.  For two years General Potiorek had held the view that we must match ourselves against Serbia, in order to be able to retain Bosnia and Herzegovina.  We ought not to forget that the Governor, who was on the spot, could better judge the situation.  Herr von Bilinski, too, was convinced that a decisive struggle was unavoidable sooner or later.

The Hungarian Premier observed that he had the highest opinion of the present Governor as soldier, but, as regards the civil administration, it could not be denied that it had broken down completely and that reform was absolutely essential.  He would not now enter more fully into this question, especially as it was no time for big alterations; he would only observe that the most incredible conditions must be reigning among the police, to make it possible that six or seven persons known to the police should have been able to place themselves along the route of the procession on the day of the assassination, armed with bombs and revolvers without a single one of them being noticed or removed by the police.  He could not see why the condition of Bosnia could not be materially improved by means of a thorough reform of the administration.

The Joint War Minister is of opinion that a diplomatic success would he of no value.  Such a success would only be interpreted as a weakness.  From the military point of view he must emphasize the fact that it would be better to wage the war now, rather than later, as the balance of power would move disproportionately against us later on.

As for the procedure for beginning war, he might be permitted to remark that the two great wars of recent years, both the Russo-Japanese and the Balkan Wars, had been begun without previous declarations of war.  His opinion was at first only to carry through their contemplated mobilization against Serbia, and let general mobilization wait until they knew whether Russia was going to take action or not.

We had already neglected two opportunities of solving the Serbian question and had deferred decision on both occasions.  If we did this again and took no notice of this latest provocation, this would be taken as a sign of weakness in every South Slav province and we should be inducing an increase of the agitation directed against us.

It would be desirable from a military point of view if the mobilization could be carried out at once, and secretly, and a summons addressed to Serbia only after mobilization had been completed.  This would also be a good thing as against the Russian forces, as just about this time the Russian frontier forces were not at their full strength on account of harvest-leave.

Thereupon a discussion developed about the aims of warlike action against Serbia, and the Hungarian Premier's point of view was accepted, to the effect that Serbia should be reduced in size, but not, in view of Russia, entirely annihilated.

The Austrian Premier emphasized the fact that it might also be advisable to remove the Karageorgevich dynasty and to give the Crown to a European prince, as well as to induce a certain condition of dependency of this reduced kingdom on the Monarchy in relation to military affairs.

The Hungarian Premier still remained convinced that the Monarchy could adopt a successful Balkan policy by means of Bulgaria's adherence to the Triple Alliance, and pointed out what a frightful calamity a European war would be under present circumstances.

The question of war was then further argued thoroughly in the course of a long discussion. At the end of this discussion agreement was reached:

(1) That all present wish for the speediest decision which is practicable in the conflict with Serbia, whether by means of war or peace.

(2) That the Ministerial Council is prepared to adopt the point of view of the Hungarian Premier to the effect that mobilization shall only follow after concrete demands have been addressed to Serbia, and have been refused, and an ultimatum has further been sent.

(3) On the other hand, all present, excepting the Hungarian Premier, hold that a purely diplomatic success, even if ending in a startling humiliation for Serbia, would be without value, and that, therefore, the demands to be put to Serbia must be so far-reaching as to pre-suppose a refusal, so that the way would be prepared for a radical solution by means of military intervention.

Count Tisza observes that he is desirous of meeting the views of all present, and therefore would be prepared to concede this much, that he would agree that the demands to be put to Serbia must be very hard, yet must not be of such a nature as to cause our intention of putting unacceptable demands to become obvious.

Otherwise, our legal position would be an impossible one for a declaration of war.  The text of the Note would have to be most carefully formulated, and he must lay importance on the necessity of seeing the Note before its despatch.  He must further stress the necessity, as regards his own person, of taking the obvious action contingent on having had his point of view rejected.

The meeting was now adjourned till the afternoon.

On the reassembly of the Ministerial Council, the Chief of the General Staff, and the Representative of the Navy Command [Admiral Kailer] were also present.

By request of the President, the Minister for War addressed the meeting and put the following three questions to the Chief of the General Staff [Von Hoetzendorff]:

(1) Whether it would be possible to mobilize against Serbia first, and only subsequently against Russia as well, if this should become necessary?

(2) Whether large bodies of troops could be retained in Transylvania to overawe Rumania?

(3) At which point the war against Russia would be begun?

The Chief of the General Staff, in response to these inquiries, supplies information which is confidential, and therefore requests that it be omitted from the Minutes.

A discussion of some length develops out of these explanations as to the relation of forces and the probable course of a European war, which, on account of its confidential character, could not be entered on the Minutes.

At the end of this discussion the Hungarian Premier repeats his views on the question of war, and once more appeals to all present to weigh their decisions with care.

A discussion followed on the points to be included in the demands to be put in the Note to Serbia.  The Ministerial Council took no definite decision as to these points; suggestions were simply made with a view to obtaining an idea of what demands might be put.

The President sums up to the effect that though there still existed a divergence of view between all members and Count Tisza, yet they had come nearer agreement, inasmuch as the Hungarian Premier's own proposals would in all probability lead up to that armed conflict with Serbia, which he and the others at the meeting held to be necessary.

Count Berchtold informs the meeting that he proposes to travel to Ischl on the 8th, and report to His Imperial Apostolic Majesty.  The Hungarian Premier requests the President to submit also a humble memorial, which he would draw up, on his view of the situation.

After a communiqué had been drawn up for the Press, the President closes the meeting.

Secretary: A. HOYOS (Signature)
BERCHTOLD (Signature)

I have noted the contents of these Minutes. Vienna, August 16th, 1914.

FRANZ JOSEF (Signature)

Source: Source Records of the Great War, Vol. I, ed. Charles F. Horne, National Alumni 1923


http://www.firstworldwar.com/source/austriancouncilmeeting.htm


*****

If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at heroesofserbia@yahoo.com

*****

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Izložba "Srbija i Srbi na filmu u Prvom svetskom ratu" [U galeriji Otvorenog univerziteta u Subotici] / "Tanjug" July 18, 2014

July 18, 2014, 1:11 am

≫ Next: THE ULTIMATUM THAT MADE THE GREAT WAR A FOREGONE CONCLUSION / Austria-Hungary presents the Kingdom of Serbia with the "Impossible Ultimatum" 100 years ago July 23, 1914

≪ Previous: THE PROSPECT OF WAR WITH SERBIA debated in Austrian Ministerial Council Meeting JULY 7, 1914 - "The July Crisis"

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Otvoreni univerzitet u Subotici

www.gradsubotica.co.rs

 

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Tanjug

July 18, 2014

 

SUBOTICA - U galeriji Otvorenog univerziteta u Subotici otvorena je izložba "Srbija i Srbi na filmu u Prvom svetskom ratu", kao jedan od predfestivalskih programa festivala evropskog filma Palić koji počinje sutra [19. Jul 2014].

 

Direktor festivala Radoslav Zelenović rekao je da ovim Jugoslovenska kinoteka i festival daju svoj doprinos obeležavanju stogodišnjice Velikog rata u Srbiji, naglasivši da izložene fotografije predstavljaju isečke iz filmova.

 

On je dodao da su izvori fotografija materijali koje je filmska sekcija snimila tokom rata, arhive zemalja saveznica, kao i nemački i drugi arhivi koji su bili sa “druge strane u ratu”.

 

Zelenović je istakao da je izložba interaktivna, jer posetioci mogu mobilnim telefonima ili tabletima da skeniraju fotografije i dobiće na svom uređaju kompletan film iz koga je fotografija isečena.

 

Direktor Otvorenog univerziteta, organizatora festivala, Blažo Perović rekao je da ovo predstavlja praksu po kojoj se u sklopu samog festivala obeležavaju značajni datumi iz istorije.

 

Tako će, prema njegovim rečima, šest najznačajnih ostvarenja koja se tiču Prvog svetskog rata biti deo predfestivalske selekcije “Veliki rat na filmu”.

 

Na 21. Festivalu evropskog filma Palić, koji će se održati od 19. do 25. jula uz podršku Turkiš erlajnsa, biće prikazana 64 filma u okviru šest selekcija. Programi će se prikazivati na više lokacija na Paliću i u Subotici.

 

 

http://www.tanjug.rs/novosti/137970/izlozba-srbija-i-srbi-na-filmu-u-prvom-svetskom-ratu.htm#

 

 

*****

 

If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at heroesofserbia@yahoo.com

 

*****

THE ULTIMATUM THAT MADE THE GREAT WAR A FOREGONE CONCLUSION / Austria-Hungary presents the Kingdom of Serbia with the "Impossible Ultimatum" 100 years ago July 23, 1914

July 23, 2014, 9:00 pm

≫ Next: Ђорђе Михаиловић, чувар српског војничког гробља у Солуну, одликован орденом српске заставе другог степена за нарочите заслуге у очувању културног и историјског наслеђа Србије. / July 25, 2014

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Aleksandra's Note:What follows is the impossible Austro-Hungarian ultimatum presented to the government of the Kingdom of Serbia on July 23, 1914, just over 3 weeks after the June 28th assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand in Sarajevo, Bosnia. Fair historians have assessed this ultimatum as being both unreasonable and, more importantly, clearly intended to set Serbia up to fail to meet the demands, thus giving the green light for the war against the Serbs the Empire had been planning all along.

First is the Austro-Hungarian Ultimatum presented in the original form. This is followed by the Serbian translation. The English text of the Ultimatum follows the Serbian text.All dates indicated are according to the current [Gregorian] calendar. The "old calendar" [Julian] date would show as being 13 days earlier.

The Serbs were given 48 hours to comply. The deadline was July 25, 1914 at 6:00 p.m.

British Foreign Secretary, Sir Edward Grey was struck by the nature of the ultimatum, stating that he had "never before seen one State address to another independent State a document of so formidable a character."

By all fair accounts, the Serbian response was remarkably compliant. "Point 6" was the one point they could not submit to, and I challenge any self-respecting sovereign nation to comply to the extent that Serbia did. However, it was not good enough for the Empire, thus proving that the ultimatum of July 1914 was ultimately just a pretense.

Sincerely,

Aleksandra Rebic

*****

The Original Austro-Hungarian Ultimatum

to the Kingdom of Serbia July 23, 1914.

(Images courtesy of "Srpska Istorija" on Facebook)

 

 

Original Austrian text of Ultimatum to the Kingdom of Serbia 1914

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Original Austrian text of Ultimatum to the Kingdom of Serbia 1914

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Original Austrian text of Ultimatum to the Kingdom of Serbia 1914

Page 3 of 5

 

Original Austrian text of Ultimatum to the Kingdom of Serbia 1914

Page 4 of 5

 

Original Austrian text of Ultimatum to the Kingdom of Serbia 1914

Page 5 of 5

 

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Serbian Cyrillic translation of the Austrian Ultimatum of 1914

 

Serbian Cyrillic translation of Austrian Ultimatum

to the Kingdom of Serbia

July 23, 1914 Page 1 of 2

 

Serbian Cyrillic translation of Austrian Ultimatum

to the Kingdom of Serbia

July 23, 1914 Page 2 of 2

 

 

23 July, 1914: The Austro-Hungarian Ultimatum to the Kingdom of Serbia
English Translation

Vienna, July 22, 1914

The Austro-Hungarian Minister for Foreign Affairs, Berchtold, to the [Austro-Hungarian] Minister at Belgrade, von Giesl:

Your Excellency will present the following note to the Royal [Serbian] Government on the afternoon of Thursday, July 23 [1914]:

On the 31st of March, 1909, the Royal Serbian Minister at the Court of Vienna made, in the name of his Government, the following declaration to the Imperial and Royal Government:

"Serbia recognizes that her rights were not affected by the state of affairs created in Bosnia, and states that she will accordingly accommodate herself to the decisions to be reached by the Powers in connection with Article 25 of the Treaty of Berlin. Serbia, in accepting the advice of the Great Powers, binds herself to desist from the attitude of protest and opposition which she has assumed with regard to the annexation since October last, and she furthermore binds herself to alter the tendency of her present policy toward Austria-Hungary, and to live on the footing of friendly and neighborly relations with the latter in the future."

Now the history of the past few years, and particularly the painful events of the 28th of June [1914], have proved the existence of a subversive movement in Serbia, whose object it is to separate certain portions of its territory from the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. This movement, which came into being under the very eyes of the Serbian Government, subsequently found expression outside of the territory of the Kingdom in acts of terrorism, in a number of attempts at assassination, and in murders.

Far from fulfilling the formal obligations contained in its declaration of the 31st of March, 1909, the Royal Serbian Government has done nothing to suppress this movement. It has tolerated the criminal activities of the various unions and associations directed against the Monarchy, the unchecked utterances of the press, the glorification of the authors of assassinations, the participation of officers and officials in subversive intrigues; it has tolerated an unhealthy propaganda in its public instruction; and it has tolerated, finally, every manifestation which could betray the people of Serbia into hatred of the Monarchy and contempt for its institutions.

This toleration of which the Royal Serbian Government was guilty, was still in evidence at that moment when the events of the twenty-eighth of June exhibited to the whole world the dreadful consequences of such tolerance.

It is clear from the statements and confessions of the criminal authors of the assassination of the twenty-eighth of June, that the murder at Sarajevo was conceived at Belgrade, that the murderers received the weapons and the bombs with which they were equipped from Serbian officers and officials who belonged to the Narodna Odbrana, and, finally, that the dispatch of the criminals and of their weapons to Bosnia was arranged and effected under the conduct of Serbian frontier authorities.

The results brought out by the inquiry no longer permit the Imperial and Royal Government to maintain the attitude of patient tolerance which it has observed for years toward those agitations which center at Belgrade and are spread thence into the territories of the Monarchy. Instead, these results impose upon the Imperial and Royal Government the obligation to put an end to those intrigues, which constitute a standing menace to the peace of the Monarchy.

In order to attain this end, the Imperial and Royal Government finds itself compelled to demand that the Serbian Government give official assurance that it will condemn the propaganda directed against Austria-Hungary, that is to say, the whole body of the efforts whose ultimate object it is to separate from the Monarchy territories that belong to it; and that it will obligate itself to suppress with all the means at its command this criminal and terroristic propaganda. In order to give these assurances a character of solemnity, the Royal Serbian Government will publish on the first page of its official organ of July 26 [1914], the following declaration:

"The Royal Serbian Government condemns the propaganda directed against Austria-Hungary, that is to say, the whole body of the efforts whose ultimate object it is to separate from the Austro- Hungarian Monarchy territories that belong to it, and it most sincerely regrets the dreadful consequences of these criminal transactions.

"The Royal Serbian Government regrets that Serbian officers and officials should have taken part in the above-mentioned propaganda and thus have endangered the friendly and neighborly relations, to the cultivation of which the Royal Government had most solemnly pledged itself by its declarations of March 31, 1909.

"The Royal Government, which disapproves and repels every idea and every attempt to interfere in the destinies of the population of whatever portion of Austria-Hungary, regards it as its duty most expressly to call attention of the officers, officials, and the whole population of the kingdom to the fact that for the future it will proceed with the utmost rigor against any persons who shall become guilty of any such activities, activities to prevent and to suppress which, the Government will bend every effort."

This declaration shall be brought to the attention of the Royal army simultaneously by an order of the day from His Majesty the King, and by publication in the official organ of the army.

The Royal Serbian Government will furthermore pledge itself:

1. to suppress every publication which shall incite to hatred and contempt of the Monarchy, and the general tendency of which shall be directed against the territorial integrity of the latter;

2. to proceed at once to the dissolution of the Narodna Odbrana to confiscate all of its means of propaganda, and in the same manner to proceed against the other unions and associations in Serbia which occupy themselves with propaganda against Austria-Hungary; the Royal Government will take such measures as are necessary to make sure that the dissolved associations may not continue their activities under other names or in other forms;

3. to eliminate without delay from public instruction in Serbia, everything, whether connected with the teaching corps or with the methods of teaching, that serves or may serve to nourish the propaganda against Austria-Hungary;

4. to remove from the military and administrative service in general all officers and officials who have been guilty of carrying on the propaganda against Austria-Hungary, whose names the Imperial and Royal Government reserves the right to make known to the Royal Government when communicating the material evidence now in its possession;

5. to agree to the cooperation in Serbia of the organs of the Imperial and Royal Government in the suppression of the subversive movement directed against the integrity of the Monarchy;

6. to institute a judicial inquiry against every participant in the conspiracy of the twenty-eighth of June who may be found in Serbian territory; the organs of the Imperial and Royal Government delegated for this purpose will take part in the proceedings held for this purpose;

7. to undertake with all haste the arrest of Major Voislav Tankosic and of one Milan Ciganovitch, a Serbian official, who have been compromised by the results of the inquiry;

8. by efficient measures to prevent the participation of Serbian authorities in the smuggling of weapons and explosives across the frontier; to dismiss from the service and to punish severely those members of the Frontier Service at Schabats and Losnitza who assisted the authors of the crime of Sarajevo to cross the frontier;

9. to make explanations to the Imperial and Royal Government concerning the unjustifiable utterances of high Serbian functionaries in Serbia and abroad, who, without regard for their official position, have not hesitated to express themselves in a manner hostile toward Austria-Hungary since the assassination of the twenty-eighth of June;

10. to inform the Imperial and Royal Government without delay of the execution of the measures comprised in the foregoing points.

The Imperial and Royal Government awaits the reply of the Royal Government by Saturday, the twenty-fifth instant [July 25, 1914], at 6 p.m., at the latest.

A reminder of the results of the investigation about Sarajevo, to the extent they relate to the functionaries named in points 7 and 8 [above], is appended to this note.

Appendix:

The crime investigation undertaken at court in Sarajevo against Gavrilo Princip and his comrades on account of the assassination committed on the 28th of June this year, along with the guilt of accomplices, has up until now led to the following conclusions:

1. The plan of murdering Archduke Franz Ferdinand during his stay in Sarajevo was concocted in Belgrade by Gavrilo Princip, Nedeljko Cabrinovic, a certain Milan Ciganovic, and Trifko Grabesch with the assistance of Major Voija Takosic.

2. The six bombs and four Browning pistols along with ammunition -- used as tools by the criminals -- were procured and given to Princip, Cabrinovic and Grabesch in Belgrade by a certain Milan Ciganovic and Major Voija Takosic.

3. The bombs are hand grenades originating from the weapons depot of the Serbian army in Kragujevatz.

4. To guarantee the success of the assassination, Ciganovic instructed Princip, Cabrinovic and Grabesch in the use of the grenades and gave lessons on shooting Browning pistols to Princip and Grabesch in a forest next to the shooting range at Topschider.

5. To make possible Princip, Cabrinovic und Grabesch's passage across the Bosnia-Herzegovina border and the smuggling of their weapons, an entire secretive transportation system was organized by Ciganovic. The entry of the criminals and their weapons into Bosnia and Herzegovina was carried out by the main border officials of Shabatz (Rade Popovic) and Losnitza as well as by the customs agent Budivoj Grbic of Losnitza, with the complicity of several others.

On the occasion of handing over this note, would Your Excellency please also add orally that -- in the event that no unconditionally positive answer of the Royal government might be received in the meantime -- after the course of the 48-hour deadline referred to in this note, as measured from the day and hour of your announcing it, you are commissioned to leave the I. and R. Embassy of Belgrade together with your personnel.

http://wwi.lib.byu.edu/index.php/The_Austro-Hungarian_Ultimatum_to_Serbia_%28English_translation%29


*****

 

If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at heroesofserbia@yahoo.com

 

*****



Ђорђе Михаиловић, чувар српског војничког гробља у Солуну, одликован орденом српске заставе другог степена за нарочите заслуге у очувању културног и историјског наслеђа Србије. / July 25, 2014

July 25, 2014, 6:45 am

≫ Next: VIDEO / Орден за чика Ђорђа, чувара Зејтинлика / "Novosti" July 25, 2014

≪ Previous: THE ULTIMATUM THAT MADE THE GREAT WAR A FOREGONE CONCLUSION / Austria-Hungary presents the Kingdom of Serbia with the "Impossible Ultimatum" 100 years ago July 23, 1914

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"Данас [25. јул 2014.] је Ђорђе Михаиловић, чувар српског војничког гробља у Солуну, одликован орденом српске заставе другог степена за нарочите заслуге у очувању културног и историјског наслеђа Србије. Честитамо му, са жељом да још дуго чува сећање на Србе пале при одбрани отаџбине

у Првом светском рату."

 

 

Српски Политички Форум

 

na Facebook.

 

 

*****

 

If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra,

please feel free to contact me at heroesofserbia@yahoo.com

 

*****

VIDEO / Орден за чика Ђорђа, чувара Зејтинлика / "Novosti" July 25, 2014

July 25, 2014, 8:00 pm

≫ Next: ONE CENTURY LATER - Surprising Ways World War I continues to shape our world, our culture, and our lives / July 27, 2014 11:00 CDT / WATCH IT LIVE

≪ Previous: Ђорђе Михаиловић, чувар српског војничког гробља у Солуну, одликован орденом српске заставе другог степена за нарочите заслуге у очувању културног и историјског наслеђа Србије. / July 25, 2014

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Novosti
М. МАРКОВИЋ
July 25, 2014

Уручено одликовање Ђорђу Михаиловићу, чувару српског војничког гробља у Солуну. Хвала што памтите, рекао, примајући одликовање видно потресени чика Ђорђе

Ђорђе Михаиловић

 

САМО што није заплакао чувар Зејтинлика чика Ђорђе Михаиловић (86), примајући орден српске заставе другог степена за нарочите заслуге у очувању културног и историјског наслеђа Србије, као и за развијање и учвршћивање сарадње и пријатељства између Грчке и Србије.

 

- Хвала српском народу зато што не заборавља - имао је само толико снаге да каже, видно потресен, примајући одликовање на свечаности у Солуну.

 

Стигао је на уручење у плавој униформи, дар српског ваздухопловног официра. Повијен под годинама, али стамен и колосалан, као што је и његова часна дужност да више од пола века бдије над уснулим јуначким пуковима српске војске. Над осам хиљада хумки именованих и безимених српских ратника.

 

- Има ли часније дужности од ове која је мени поверена. Да чувам гробове јунака који су, све нас, надвисили љубављу према отаџбини и слободи - више пута је казао.

 

Орден чувару Зејтинлика, чика Ђорђу Михаиловићу, додељен је поводом Дана државности Србије и стогодишњице Великог рата. Али, због година, које су му видно нарушиле здравље, он на свечаност минулог фебруара, није могао да допутује. Зато му је одликовање, у Солуну, у име Томислава Николића, председника Србије, данас уручио професор др Оливер Антић, председник Комисије за одликовања.

 

- Ђорђе Михаиловић је и сам живи споменик међу зејтинличким споменицима. Симбол српског, војничког вечног почивалишта - казао је Антић, уручујући признање. - Он је и сам историја и архива овог нашег светилишта. Желим му да га здравље служи и да нам поживи.

 

Đorđe Mihailović - čuvar Zejtinlika

Published on You Tube by "Председник Р. Србије"

July 25, 2014

"Đorđe Mihailović, čuvar srpskog vojničkog groblja “Zejtinlik” u Solunu, danas je odlikovan ordenom srpske zastave drugog stepena za naročite zasluge u očuvanju kulturnog i istorijskog nasleđa Srbije, kao i za razvijanje i učvršćivanje saradnje i prijateljskih odnosa Srbije i Grčke. Čestitke čika Đorđu i hvala u ime svih Srba za to što čuva sećanje na naše hrabre pretke."



http://youtu.be/6wxptikzRw0

Часна старина, чика Ђорђе, примио је орден. Примио и пољубио. Исто као што је свих протеклих деценија љубио Србију. Са истим поштовањем с којим држи заставу пијетета и успомена на хиљаде јунака над којима су бдели и његови преци: деда Сава и отац Ђуро.

Ђорђе је, за „Новости“ овако говорио:

- Они су ме и заветовали да, док живим, ове гробове чувам и негујем. Сад жалим што немам мушког наследника да преузме заставу. И, жалим што је српском народу заборављено јунаштво. Жртва и слободарски дух. То је жалосно. А, опет некако, оснажи ме кад дођу потомци. Кад донесу грумен Србије за коју су умирали њихови прадедови и дедови. За којом су чезнули. Заплачу та деца, овде. А ја им кажем: децо, ваш дуг није да плачете, већ да не заборавите такве јунаке.

Zejtinlik - Đorđe Mihailović
Published on You Tube  by "Zeljko Kretic"
June 13, 2012

"Отићи на Зејтинлик - Српско Војничко гробље и саслушати чика Ђорђа заиста вреди. Човјек је жива легенда. За оне који не могу да оду ево прилике, нека добро саслушају и запамте ове његове речи."



http://youtu.be/DCambOviPWQ

НЕ ЗАБОРАВИ, СИНЕ!

Деда Саво је пренео мом оцу ове речи, а он их испричао мени:

- Никада не заборави, сине, бол са којим су наши, српски војници, хранили чежњу за повратком кући. Робовали крваво парче своје земље да би се у њу, слободну, вратили. Да загрле породице које их нису дочекале. Да загрле децу која их нису упамтила. И, не заборављам. Немојте ни ви, синови.

 

ЛАЧЕМ, КАД НИКО НЕ ВИДИ

 

Ђорђе Михаиловић живи са женом у невеликој кући на улазу у гробље. Сваког дана, пре сунца, порани, почисти гробље, отвори гвоздену капију. Уреди парцеле и стазе између белих мраморних крстова. Оплеви траву. Уклони пале гране чемпреса. Упали свеће. Долије зејтин у кандилима. Обрише иконе и фотографије ратника. Дочекује и испраћа потомке. И кустос је и тумач историје. А, увече:

 

- Тад плачем, да ме нико не види. И, питам се, која ли је, по реду, ово ноћ мртвим ратницима у подножју Магленских планина.

 

 

http://www.novosti.rs/вести/насловна/репортаже.409.html:502508-Орден-за-чика-Ђорђа-чувара-Зејтинлика

 

 

*****

 

If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at heroesofserbia@yahoo.com

 

*****



ONE CENTURY LATER - Surprising Ways World War I continues to shape our world, our culture, and our lives / July 27, 2014 11:00 CDT / WATCH IT LIVE

July 26, 2014, 9:14 am

≫ Next: July 27 [2014]: Italy launches global music event to remember Europe's last hours of peace on this day in 1914 / "Centenary News"

≪ Previous: VIDEO / Орден за чика Ђорђа, чувара Зејтинлика / "Novosti" July 25, 2014

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TOMORROW (Sunday July 27, 2014),

12:00 EST:

Don't miss this unique opportunity to ask WWI experts questions about the Great War!

 

WATCH IT LIVE:

 

www.theworldwar.org

 

OR

 

www.worldwar1centennial.org

 

 

World War One Centennial Commission

 

on Facebook.

 

 

*****

 

If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra,

please feel free to contact me at heroesofserbia@yahoo.com

 

*****

July 27 [2014]: Italy launches global music event to remember Europe's last hours of peace on this day in 1914 / "Centenary News"

July 27, 2014, 4:05 pm

≫ Next: Први дан рата - Објава рата Србији стигла је из Беча 28. јула [1914] отвореним телеграмом, и самим тим чином Аустроугарска је показала на који и какав начин ће водити рат против Србије / "PTC - Radio-Televizija Srbije" July 27, 2014

≪ Previous: ONE CENTURY LATER - Surprising Ways World War I continues to shape our world, our culture, and our lives / July 27, 2014 11:00 CDT / WATCH IT LIVE

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Centenary News
July 27, 2014

Music remembering the last day of peace in Europe before the outbreak of the First World War in 1914 will be performed around the world today (July 27th 2014) as part of the Italian Government’s commemorative programme.

Events start in Italy with a lone trumpeter playing ‘Silenzio’ (equivalent to the ‘Last Post’). Other countries taking part include Albania, Britain, France, Greece, Hungary, Poland, Portugal, Russia, Serbia, South Africa and the United States.

The Austro-Hungarian Empire declared war on Serbia on 28th July 1914. Within a week, all of Europe's great powers were at  war.

Today's symbolic act of commemoration remembers the fallen and pays tribute to their sacrifice.


READ MORE AT:

http://www.centenarynews.com/article?id=2825


*****

If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me atheroesofserbia@yahoo.com

*****

Први дан рата - Објава рата Србији стигла је из Беча 28. јула [1914] отвореним телеграмом, и самим тим чином Аустроугарска је показала на који и какав начин ће водити рат против Србије / "PTC - Radio-Televizija Srbije" July 27, 2014

July 27, 2014, 10:01 pm

≫ Next: Телеграм аустроугарске владе којим је отпочео Велики рат 15/28. јула 1914. год.

≪ Previous: July 27 [2014]: Italy launches global music event to remember Europe's last hours of peace on this day in 1914 / "Centenary News"

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PTC - Radio-Televizija Srbije
Пише др Александар Животић
July 27, 2014

Објава рата Србији стигла је из Беча 28. јула [1914] отвореним телеграмом, и самим тим чином Аустроугарска је показала на који и какав начин ће водити рат против Србије - с много мржње и противно међународном праву и традиционалним обичајима рата.

 

Ултиматум који је аустроугарски посланик барон Гизл 23. јула 1914. уручио представницима српске владе јасно је говорио о намери да се Србија понизи и принуди на максимално попуштање како би удовољила експанзионистичким стремљењима Беча.

Мобилизација регрута у Ваљеву, август 1914.

(Из ратне збирке Ристе Марјановића)

 

Осећајући кобну замку, српска влада је по савету своје савезнице и заштитнице Русије била максимално попустљива. Међутим, попустљивост српске владе није могла бити бескрајна и бесконачна и могла је ићи само до оне границе која није била у супротности с основним начелом очувања државног суверенитета.

Пристајући на све тачке упућеног ултиматума сем оне која се директно тицала упућивања аустроугарских чиновника који би у Србији имали право да самостално спроводе истрагу, српска влада је била свесна опасности од рата.

Аустроугарско отворено незадовољство српским одговором и убрзан прекид дипломатских односа сведочили су да је одлука о отпочињању рата против Србије одавно сазрела у самом Бечу, да је ултиматум срочен тако да буде одбијен, а брзина самог аустроугарског прекида дипломатских односа да се Србија налази пред новим ратним сукобом - четвртим за непуне две године.

Пошто је Аустроугарска 25. јула 1914. прекинула дипломатске односе са Србијом, регент Александар и влада одмах су донели одлуку о мобилизацији целокупне српске војске, која је започела наредног дана. Неизвесност и зебња које су трајале од Сарајевског атентата претиле су да се претворе у ратне патње и страдања.

Српски војник на положају код Београда 1914. године

 

Излепљени плакати, насловне стране новина, црквена звона, запаљене ватре и гласови добошара означили су почетак српске мобилизације и наслутили скори почетак рата. Мала и сиромашна, дуговима и кредитима оптерећена, неразвијена аграрна Србија се усред жетве нашла пред новим ратом.

Истог дана, влада и сва министарства су напустили Београд - престоницу која се налазила на самој граници и отишли у Ниш, нову ратну престоницу Краљевине Србије. Истовремено, Главни ђенералштаб који је формирао Штаб Врховне команде, прешао је у Крагујевац. Упркос огромном замору, неизлеченим ранама из претходних ратова, недостатку основне војне опреме, мобилизација је текла уз изузетно расположење и огроман одзив војних обвезника.

Рат који је претио Србији ни у ком случају није био жељен, али је у српском друштву доживљаван као праведна борба, као окршај који ће одредити судбину српског народа, осигурати опстанак српске државе и обезбедити јој равноправно место унутар европске заједнице народа.

Aустроугарска објава рата

(Österreichisches Staatsarchiv)

 

Аустроугарска објава рата је стигла на апсолутно неочекиван начин који се косио с тада важећим нормама међународног права. Објава рата је 28. јула стигла отвореним телеграмом писаним француским језиком као званичим језиком дипломатије тог доба, упућеним преко Букурешта. Самим тим чином, Аустроугарска је показала на који и какав начин ће водити рат против Србије - с много мржње и противно међународном праву и традиционалним обичајима рата.

Већ тим чином она је прекршила Конвенцију о отварању непријатељстава започевши рат након слања ултиматума уместо званичног образложења, и самом објавом рата отвореним телеграмом без претходног упозорења.

Сама српска влада је спремно дочекала аустроугарску објаву рата. Председник владе Никола Пашић је, примајући телеграм о почетку рата, према сведочењу савременика, рекао да је реч о очекиваном потезу, да је "наша ствар праведна"и да је тиме Аустроугарска себи потписала смртну пресуду. Његова реакција је јасно говорила о самом расположењу и одлучности да се земља брани и одбрани без обзира на силину притисака и претњи.

Пуковник Миливоје Анђелковић Кајафа

 

На другој страни, већ прво ратно вече је српској престоници донело прва страдања и разарања.

Како војска још није била у потпуности мобилисана, а Врховна команда није донела одлуку да ли ће Београд уопште бранити с обзиром на његов специфичан географски и стратегијски положај, одлука о одбрани самог града је пренета на команданта Дунавске дивизије пуковника Миливоја Анђелковића Кајафу, који је одлучио да град брани.

Првог ратног дана град су штитили импровизовани одреди састављени од жандарма, финанса, добровољаца-ђака и комита.

Гранате испаљене са монитора "Бодрог"аустроугарске Дунавске флотиле означиле су на симболичан начин почетак борбених дејстава.

Насумично испаљене гранате су падале од обала Дунава, преко Калемегдана и Кнез Михаилове улице до Теразија, сејући страх међу цивилним становништвом које је пред гранатама и надолазећом опасношћу почело да напушта Београд или се склања на периферију града.

Монитор "Бодрог"са кога је извршен први напад на Србију

 

 Страхујући од могућег аустроугарског упада у Београд, команда Дунавске дивизије је донела одлуку да минира и сруши савски железнички мост како би спречила аустроугарске снаге да најлакшом комуникацијом - копненим путем упадну у град. Исте ноћи, током спорадичних окршаја око моста су пале и прве жртве.

 

Те ноћи је као добровољац страдао ученик Трговачке академије и чиновник Железничке дирекције шеснаестогодишњи добровољац у чети војводе Јована Стојковића Бабунског - Душан Ђоновић, док је на аустроугарској страни страдао пешадинац Иштван Балохи.

 

Српски војници на положају поред срушеног железничког

моста у Београду

 

На тај начин, симболично су започела борбена дејства у Србији 1914. Ипак, у питању је била аустроугарска демонстрација престижа, снаге и војне моћи светске силе и српска одлучност да се престони град и држава штите од нападача.

Аустроугарска ратна машинерија ће кренути у агресију на Србију две недеље касније сударивши се с непоколебљивом српском одлучношћу и вером у победу.


* Аутор је доцент на Одељењу за историју Филозофског факултета у Београду.


http://www.rts.rs/page/stories/ci/%D0%92%D0%B5%D0%BB%D0%B8%D0%BA%D0%B8+%D1%80%D0%B0%D1%82/story/2213/%D0%A1%D1%80%D0%B1%D0%B8%D1%98%D0%B0+%D1%83++%D1%80%D0%B0%D1%82%D1%83/1656578/%D0%9F%D1%80%D0%B2%D0%B8+%D0%B4%D0%B0%D0%BD+%D1%80%D0%B0%D1%82%D0%B0.html


*****

If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at heroesofserbia@yahoo.com

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Телеграм аустроугарске владе којим је отпочео Велики рат 15/28. јула 1914. год.

July 28, 2014, 3:05 am

≫ Next: Filmstreet: "Marš na Drinu" - Obeležavanje stogodišnjice Prvog svetskog rata / KALEMEGDAN [Beograd] 28. JUL 2014. 20:30h

≪ Previous: Први дан рата - Објава рата Србији стигла је из Беча 28. јула [1914] отвореним телеграмом, и самим тим чином Аустроугарска је показала на који и какав начин ће водити рат против Србије / "PTC - Radio-Televizija Srbije" July 27, 2014

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Телеграм аустроугарске владе којим је отпочео Велики рат

 

„Г. грoф Леополд Берхтолд,

аустроугарски министар иностраних дела,

Г. Н. Пашићу, српскоме председнику министарства

и министру иностраних дела.
У Бечу, 15/28. јула 1914. год.

 

Пошто Краљевска Српска Влада није дала задовољавајући одговор на ноту, коју јој је предао аустро-угарски посланик у Београду, 23. јула 1914 године, царско-краљевска влада налази за потребно да сама да задовољења својим правима и интересима и да ради тога прибегне оружаној сили. Аустро-Угарска сматра, дакле, да се од овога тренутка налази у ратном стању са Србијом."

 

 

Српска историја

na Facebook.

 

*****

 

If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra,

please feel free to contact me atheroesofserbia@yahoo.com

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Filmstreet: "Marš na Drinu" - Obeležavanje stogodišnjice Prvog svetskog rata / KALEMEGDAN [Beograd] 28. JUL 2014. 20:30h

July 28, 2014, 7:40 am

≫ Next: AUSTRIA DECLARES WAR AGAINST SERBIA JULY 28, 1914 AND WITHIN ONE WEEK ALL OF EUROPE'S GREAT POWERS ARE AT WAR as WWI consumes the World. / By Aleksandra Rebic

≪ Previous: Телеграм аустроугарске владе којим је отпочео Велики рат 15/28. јула 1914. год.

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Dragi naši pratioci i zaljubljenici u sedmu umetnost,

Pozivamo vas na projekciju filma "Marš na Drinu", posvećenu stogodišnjici Prvog svetskog rata.

Filmstreet će ovog puta otići korak dalje!

Za ponedeljak je zakazano ne samo filmsko, već i muzičko - horsko edukativno druženje pod vedrim nebom.

Nakon posveta legendarnim glumcima, gradovima, praznicima i drugim pojmovima naše bliže ili dalje istorije, na redu je i obeležavanje slavnih dana prošlosti Srbije. Naravno, reč je o stogodišnjici Prvog svetskog rata, a najbolji datum je upravo 28. jul, dan početka Velikog rata.

Unutar zidina Kalemegdana kod Prirodnjačkog muzeja, ljubitelji sedme umetnosti imaće priliku da pogledaju od 20:30h, u do sada jedinstvenom ambijentu, legendarno ostvarenje jednog od najvećih reditelja jugoslovenske kinematografije Žike Mitrovića “Marš na Drinu”, naravno, potpuno besplatno.

Istorijsko ostvarenje prati događaje sa početka Prvog svetskog rata i prvu veliku pobedu srpske vojske na Ceru odnosno povlaćenje austro-ugarske vojske preko Drine.

Ali to nije sve!

Gudački kvartet najtalentovanijih studenata Fakulteta muzičke umetnosti, Univerziteta umetnosti u Beogradu, prisutnima će odsvirati “Marš na Drinu”, “Tamo daleko” i “Vostani Serbijo”, dok će hor kulturno-umetničkog društva “Branko Cvetković” otpevati nekoliko pesama tematski prilagođenih povodu – “Opelo” i “Tebe pojem” kao posvetu poginulim herojima, dok su pesme Solunskog fronta “Tamo daleko”, Kreće se lađa Francuska”, “Vostani Serbijo”.

Kulturno-umetnički program biće začinjen kratkim osvrtom na ambijent neposredno uoči rata i velike bitke kako svi ljubitelji filma na najbolji način “zaplovili” u istoriju.

Ovaj kulturni događaj će imati i humanitarni karakter jer će sav novac od prodaje Amstela biti namenjen ugroženima od poplava i uplaćen na namenski račun Vlade Republike Srbije.

Vreme je za filmski čas istorije. Vreme je za prave stvari.
Vreme je za Filmstreet!

 

 

 

https://www.facebook.com/events/529968997129873/

 

 

*****

 

If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra,

please feel free to contact me at heroesofserbia@yahoo.com

 

*****

 

AUSTRIA DECLARES WAR AGAINST SERBIA JULY 28, 1914 AND WITHIN ONE WEEK ALL OF EUROPE'S GREAT POWERS ARE AT WAR as WWI consumes the World. / By Aleksandra Rebic

July 28, 2014, 7:10 pm

≫ Next: "Мојим драгим и јуначким Србима!" - Њ.К.В. Престолоналседник Александаp, главнокомандујући српске војске, дан после аустроугарске објаве рата 16. (29) јула 1914. год.

≪ Previous: Filmstreet: "Marš na Drinu" - Obeležavanje stogodišnjice Prvog svetskog rata / KALEMEGDAN [Beograd] 28. JUL 2014. 20:30h

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The Washington Times July 28, 1914

 

Aleksandra's Note:  It was in the splendid warm days 100 years ago, in the lovely, peaceful summer of 1914, that things just got really out of hand. The more one learns of how the First World War, the war that was to "end all wars", really began, the more amazed and horrified one becomes at how a "local conflict" that was supposed to take no more than a few months to resolve and finish could manifest into an international monster that quite literally changed the world forever in just four short years.

 

That is precisely why everyone needs to pay attention to, and be concerned about, those "local" matters, "way over there."

 

Just in considering a few bits of information about the Great War, one can confidently draw a few conclusions in hindsight:

 

1.Never underestimate how big something can become.

 

2.Never become overconfident, even if you are an Empire of many millions of people, because those "little peoples in their little states" could end up victorious over your Empire, and your Empire could become "no more".

 

3.The manufactured scapegoat of  "Greater Serbian Nationalism" was not the true cause of World War I.

 

4. Do not underestimate the Serbians.

 

Even after all these years, a full century later, there are STILL people who believe that a 19 year-old Bosnian Serb "nationalist" named Gavrilo Princip was responsible for causing World War I. That's perhaps the most amazing thing of it all. The direct cause of World War One was Austria's declaration of war against Serbia on July 28, 1914, exactly one month after the assassination in Sarajevo.

 

When I look at the front page of  the Tuesday, July 28, 1914 edition of The Washington Times, it's what is written under the main headline that strikes me. At that time, Serbians were often referred to as "Servians." Above the photographs of the Serbian soldiers on the front page is the heading: "Typical Servian soldiers with their antiquated equipment." This strikes me as a bit condescending, almost dismissive. These "typical Serbian soldiers with their antiquated equipment" would end up being an essential part of the Allied victory over the Central Powers in World War One, and the massive Austro-Hungarian Empire would be rendered obsolete. This underscores my recommendation never to underestimate the Serbians.

 

Given all of the above, it would behoove the great powers of today, in the 21st century, to consider very carefully their actions with regards to all the "local conflicts" grabbing the headlines. They need to consider just how big something can become so very quickly.

 

 

Sincerely,

Aleksandra Rebic

July 28, 2014

 

*****

 

The Declaration of War Telegram sent to Serbia by Austria-Hungary

on July 28, 2014

"At 11:10 A.M. on July 28, 1914, Count Leopold von Berchtold, the Austro-Hungarian Minister for Foreign Affairs, sent the following telegram from Vienna to M. N. Pashitch, Serbian Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs. This declaration of war was received at Nish at 12:30 P.M."

[Telegraphic]

Vienna, July 28, 1914

"The Royal Serbian Government not having answered in a satisfactory manner the note of July 23, 1914, presented by the Austro-Hungarian Minister at Belgrade, the Imperial and Royal Government are themselves compelled to see to the safeguarding of their rights and interests, and, with this object, to have recourse to force of arms. Austria-Hungary consequently considers herself henceforward in a state of war with Serbia."

 

COUNT BERCHTOLD  

Austr0-Hungarian Minister for Foreign Affairs

From: Collected Documents Relating to the Outbreak of the European War (London, 1915), p. 392. This is Document No. 45 quoted from the Serbian Blue Book.

*****
 

According to historian John Clinton Adams:

 

"The telegram came indirectly. It went from Vienna to Bucharest and from there down to Nish, which in the last three days had become the new capital of Serbia. Copied in pencil, the impersonal French words looked unimpressive..."

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From the Manchester Guardian July 29, 1914

"Austria has declared war upon Serbia. An unconfirmed report says Austro-Hungarian troops have invaded Serbia by crossing the River Save at Mitrovitz. Two Serbian steamers have been seized on the Danube.

"In Vienna it is believed that Montenegro, which stands with her Serb sister state, is mobilising, and that a joint force is gathering near the Bosnian frontier in readiness to deliver a counter-stroke towards Sarajevo.

"Our St. Petersburg correspondent, telegraphing last night, says if Austria occupies Belgrade, Russia will reply at once by mobilising all her army. Her partial mobilisation is in full swing.

"In Berlin, it is believed that if Russia calls her troops to the colours, Germany will at once follow her example. The fleet has returned to home waters."

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The following is from:
 www.firstworldwar.com

"The 'Great War', which began on 28 July 1914 with Austria-Hungary's declaration of war with Serbia, was the first truly global war. It began in Europe but quickly spread throughout the world. Many countries became embroiled within the war's first month; others joined in the ensuing four years, with Honduras announcing hostilities with Germany as late as 19 July 1918 (with the record going to Romania, who entered the war - albeit for the second time - one day before it finished, on 10 November 1918).

"Detailed below is a list of the nations [in alphabetical order] who formally declared hostilities during World War One, along with their date of entrance. Nations of the British Empire, e.g. Australia, Canada and New Zealand, automatically entered the war with Britain's decision to enter the fray on 4 August 1914.

"Note that on numerous occasions hostilities were assumed without a formal declaration, e.g. Russia with Germany and Austria-Hungary in August 1914."

Australia

Entered war together with Britain on 4 August 1914

Austria-Hungary

Declared war with Serbia on 28 July 1914

Declared war with Russia on 6 August 1914

Declared war with Belgium on 28 August 1914

Declared war with Portugal on 15 March 1916

Belgium

Invaded by Germany on 3 August 1914

Bolivia

Severed relations with Germany on 13 April 1917

Brazil

Severed relations with Germany on 11 April 1917

Declared war with Germany on 26 October 1917

Bulgaria

Declared war with Serbia on 14 October 1915

Declared war with Romania on 1 September 1916

Canada

Entered war together with Britain on 4 August 1914

China

Severed relations with Germany on 14 March 1917

Declared war with Germany on 14 August 1917

Declared war with Austria-Hungary on 14 August 1917

Costa Rica

Severed relations with Germany on 21 September 1917

Declared war with Germany on 23 May 1918

Cuba

Declared war with Germany on 7 April 1917

Ecuador

Severed relations with Germany on 8 December 1917

France

Invaded by Germany on 2 August 1914

Declared war with Austria-Hungary on 12 August 1914

Declared war with Turkey on 5 November 1914

Declared war with Bulgaria on 16 October 1915

Germany

Declared war with Russia on 1 August 1914

Declared war with France on 3 August 1914

Declared war with Belgium on 4 August 1914

Declared war with Portugal on 9 March 1916

Greece

Declared war with Austria-Hungary on 27 June 1917

Declared war with Bulgaria on 27 June 1917

Declared war with Germany on 27 June 1917

Declared war with Turkey on 27 June 1917

Guatemala

Declared war with Germany on 23 April 1918

Haiti

Declared war with Germany on 12 July 1918

Honduras

Declared war with Germany on 19 July 1918

Italy

Declared war with Austria-Hungary on 23 May 1915

Declared war with Turkey on 21 August 1915

Declared war with Germany on 28 August 1915

Declared war with Bulgaria on 19 October 1915

Japan

Declared war with Germany on 23 August 1914

Declared war with Austria-Hungary on 25 August 1914

Liberia

Declared war with Germany on 4 August 1914

Montenegro

Declared war with Austria-Hungary on 5 August 1914

Declared war with Germany on 8 August 1914

Declared war with Bulgaria on 15 October 1915

New Zealand

Entered war together with Britain on 4 August 1914

Nicaragua

Declared war with Austria-Hungary on 8 May 1918

Declared war with Germany on 8 May 1918

Panama

Declared war with Germany on 7 April 1917

Declared war with Austria-Hungary on 10 December 1917

Peru

Severed relations with Germany on 6 October 1917

Portugal

Entered war against Germany on 9 March 1916

Entered war against Austria-Hungary on 15 March 1916

Romania

Declared war with Austria-Hungary on 27 August 1916

Exited war with Treaty of Bucharest on 7 May 1918

Re-entered the war on 10 November 1918

Russia

Declared war with Turkey on 2 November 1914

Declared war with Bulgaria on 19 October 1915

San Marino

Declared war with Austria-Hungary on 3 June 1915

Serbia

Declared war with Germany on 6 August 1914

Declared war with Turkey on 2 November 1914

Siam

Declared war with Austria-Hungary on 22 July 1917

Declared war with Germany on 22 July 1917

Turkey

Declared war with Romania on 30 August 1916

Severed relations with United States on 23 April 1917

United Kingdom

Declared war with Germany on 4 August 1914

Declared war with Austria-Hungary on 12 August 1914

Declared war with Turkey on 5 November 1914

Declared war with Bulgaria on 15 October 1915

United States of America

Declared war with Germany on 6 April 1917

Declared war with Austria-Hungary on 7 December 1917

Uruguay

Severed relations with Germany on 7 October 1917

Reference:

Funk and Wagnalls New Encyclopedia, Volume 27, Funk and Wagnall, 1983

http://www.firstworldwar.com/features/declarationsofwar.htm


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If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra,

please feel free to contact me at heroesofserbia@yahoo.com

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"Мојим драгим и јуначким Србима!" - Њ.К.В. Престолоналседник Александаp, главнокомандујући српске војске, дан после аустроугарске објаве рата 16. (29) јула 1914. год.

July 29, 2014, 5:30 pm

≫ Next: Gavrilo Princip, who triggered a war, was also a Serbian hero / "The Globe and Mail" July 29, 2014

≪ Previous: AUSTRIA DECLARES WAR AGAINST SERBIA JULY 28, 1914 AND WITHIN ONE WEEK ALL OF EUROPE'S GREAT POWERS ARE AT WAR as WWI consumes the World. / By Aleksandra Rebic

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Њ.К.В. Престолоналседник Александаp

 

Дан после аустроугарске објаве рата Њ.К.В. Престолоналседник Александар, главнокомандујући српске војске, шаље српском народу следећи проглас:

 

"Мојим драгим и јуначким Србима!

 

На нашу Србију насрнуло је велико зло. Аустро-Угарска нам је објавила рат. Сад сви имамо да будемо сложни и јунаци.

 

Невоље наше Краљевине и нашега народа са Аустријом нису почеле од јуче. Кад је год Бечу требало, давана су најсвечанија обећања да ће се са Србима и Хрватима праведно поступати, па је ипак све то остало неиспуњено. Залуду су српски и хрватски граничари и толики други наши јунаци лили крв по целој Европи и за славу и корист бечког двора, залуду су биле жртве које је Србија за владе Мога деде поднела кад је помагала да се спасава царски престо од незадовољних и побуњених његових народа, залуду је Србија увек радила све што је могла да живи у пријатељству са суседном царевином - све то није ништа помогло.

 

И Србија као држава и наш народ, где год био, свакад и свуда су сумњичени, и зато су увек запостављени другим народима. Пре 36 година заузела је Аустрија српску Босну и Херцеговину, које су устале биле да се ослободе, а пре шест година коначно их присвојила бесправно, убећавши им уставне слободе које, онакве какве су дане, нису ни у колико народ задовољиле. Све је то створило дубоко незадовољство у народа, нарочито у бујне и неразмишљене омладине, па је напослетку изазвало отпоре, па и сарајевски атентат.

 

Србија је тај кобни догађај искрено ожалила, осудила и изјавила готовост да ће предати суду сваког саучесника: али је брзо са запрепашћењем видела да Аустријанци за њ бацају одговорност не на своју рђаву управу или на поједине кривце самог дела, него на Краљевину Србију. Без обзира што је оно убиство извршио само један човек, њен поданик, уз припомоћ неколико другова, и то у њиховој земљи, пред очима свих њених власти, Аустрија је зато окривила наше чиновнике и официре, српску Владу, и напослетку целу Краљевину Србију и све Србе где год их има.

 

Такво оптуживање једне независне државе за туђе кривице, јединствено је у историји Европе, где онака злочиначка дела на жалост нису ретка. У смислу окривљења поднела је аустро-угарска влада 10. овог месеца Мојој Влади необичну представку с тешким оптужбама и захтевима, тражећи од Србије задовољење и остављајући јој рок од 48 сати за одговор.

 

Моја је Влада, одговарајући жељама народа и потреби мира, коју осећа не само Србија, већ и цела Европа, хтела избећи по сваку цену сукоб, и зато је изашла у сусрет аустро-угарској влади до крајњих граница попустљивости, преко којих не може ићи ниједна независна држава.

 

Кад је о томе извештен аустро-угарски посланик, изјавио је одмах, да његова влада није задовољна одговором и прекинуо је дипломатске односе са Мојом Владом. Тада су све пријатељске нам државе - на челу им братска нам Русија - покушале склонити аустро-угарску владу да пристане на мирно решење спора. На жалост, бечки државници осташе глухи према саветима мудрости и интересима човечанства. Они нам објавише јуче рат, не презајући да тиме изазову и недогледне последице једног заплета.

 

И ако тешка срца и свестан свих тешкоћа и опасности, баш у часу кад су се српски ратници спремали да прибрају довреле плодове свога труда, Ја сам принуђен позвати све Моје драге и храбре Србе под српску тробојку с уверењем да ће се они и у овој прилици показати достојни својих славних предака, онакви какви су били лане и преклане. С вером у Свевишњега Господа Бога, с надом у симпатије просвећеног света и у коначну победу наше правде, с поверењем у помоћ својих великих сродника и поузданих пријатеља, примамо, заједно са нашом јуначком браћом Србима, Црне Горе, борбу која нам је обесно наметнута.

 

У нашој славној прошлости, старијој и новијој, има доста сведочанства да Србин, кад је сложан, може победити и много већег противника. Посведочимо још једанпут да се Србин уме жртвовати за своју Отаџбину и обилићским пожртвовањем одбранити је пред многобројним, охолим непријатељем.

 

Срби, браните свом снагом своје огњиште и српско племе."


16. (29) јула 1914. год.
у Нишу.
 

Удружење Краљевина Србија - Kingdom of Serbia Association
na Facebook.

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If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me atheroesfserbia@yahoo.com

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Gavrilo Princip, who triggered a war, was also a Serbian hero / "The Globe and Mail" July 29, 2014

July 30, 2014, 5:30 pm

≫ Next: Germany declares War on Russia August 1, 1914 and Austria's local war against Serbia is on its way to becoming the global Great War. / By Aleksandra Rebic

≪ Previous: "Мојим драгим и јуначким Србима!" - Њ.К.В. Престолоналседник Александаp, главнокомандујући српске војске, дан после аустроугарске објаве рата 16. (29) јула 1914. год.

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The Globe and Mail
Mihailo Papazoglu
July 29, 2014

Mihailo Papazoglu is the ambassador of the Republic of Serbia to Canada.

Sarajevo, Bosnia, 28 June 1914: After some 400 years under Turkish Ottoman and almost 40 under Austro-Hungarian occupation, people of some dozen nationalities shared the same dream of freedom. Gavrilo Princip was among them when he fired two shots at Austria-Hungary’s Crown Prince. For many of his countrymen he is a freedom fighter.

Belgrade, Serbia, 28 July 1914: Just one month later, the first artillery shells in First World War began to fall on the city’s Danube and Sava river banks and neighbourhoods under the hot, burning summer sun. For Serbia this is the end of a month-long diplomatic prelude that started with Mr. Princip’s shots, followed by a written 48-hour ultimatum delivered to Serbia, a nation of 5 million, by Austro-Hungary, an empire of 52 million. There was nowhere to hide. The declaration of war was sent by a telegraph message. The term “blitzkrieg” had not yet been coined, but a punitive military campaign in the Balkans was imminent.

You’ve probably never heard of Dusan Donovic. A sixteen-year-old Serbian Army volunteer shot in Belgrade by gunfire from an Austrian Danube flotilla vessel that day, he was the first victim of WWI. He died like 1,250,000 other Serbs – a death toll amounting to 28 per cent of population, both soldiers and civilians. Maybe you’ve heard of George Lawrence Price? Born in Falmouth, Nova Scotia, aged twenty six, fatally shot by a German sniper at 10:58 a.m. on November 11, 1918. He died just 2 minutes before the armistice that ended the war, making him the last victim of WWI. He died like 61,000 fellow Canadians. Like 17 million people in Europe and around the world.

In between, we Serbs fought. For one year on our soil, on our frontiers, mostly alone. The first allied victory took place in Serbia, in the mountains of Cer. Then the second one in Kolubara, almost like the battle of Vimy Ridge. This success drew worldwide attention to Serbia and won the Serbs the sympathy of both neutral and Allied countries, as it marked their first victory over the Central Powers. The next year we had our share of defeats. Belgrade, the capital, was the last stand for more than 2,600 Serbian Army soldiers, aware of the fact that their names had already been erased from the list of the living by the Serbian Army’s headquarters – left behind as an ultimate sacrifice. Not to be forgotten. Ask any kid in Serbia today about this episode of war – they know it!

For those three years of war in exile we lost a country – but saved the idea of Serbian statehood. The population was left to the occupiers, but we saved the nation. We never lost faith. Finally, along with the allies, in 1918 we were free.

And what was Gavrilo Princip doing at that time? He was imprisoned in the dungeon of the fortress in Theresienstadt (Terezin in today’s Czech Republic) that was later used, during the Second World War, as a Nazi concentration camp for more than 150,000 civilians, most of whom were sent to death in extermination camps elsewere but some 33,000 of whom died there from starvation or disease. They shared the fate of Mr. Princip, who officially died from tuberculosis, with his arm and shoulder amputated.

An underage, self-proclaimed freedom fighter, he never got to see the Armistice in 1918 and the national liberation he gave his life for. He died six months earlier and was secretly buried, so that his body is never to be found. This leaves no empathy, no nostalgia, no second thoughts about the Austro-Hungarian institutions’ operational mode. Why did it all happen? Simply because he refused to switch from being a Turkish Ottoman to a Kaiserlich und Königlich colonial subject, from a Middle East model of apartheid to a Mitteleuropa one.

Gavrilo Princip had a pistol. Just one. He himself was a trigger, but the stage was set long before the bloodshed began. For the colonial empires of the time, their era was about to finish. The Serbs fought against a couple of those empires. To survive. For the right to exist. We fought bravely. Like others. We fought to see another day. We are still standing, proudly, with no lessons to give to anybody. Especially not to history. Just for the record.

Serbia and Canada fought on the same side of history. For the right cause. The aftermath of the First World War led Canada to a sense of full independence and Serbia to full self-confidence in the international arena of that time. Serbia, along with others, paid a high price in human lives during the Great War. Never to recover, as some say. Collective memory of the First World War became the cornerstone of our respective nations’ identities.


http://www.theglobeandmail.com/globe-debate/gavrilo-princip-who-triggered-a-war-was-also-a-serbian-hero/article19819699/


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If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at heroesofserbia@yahoo.com


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